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UNITED STATES OF AMESlCA. 




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Battle of Groton Heights 



COLLECTION OF NARRATIVES, OFFICIAL REPORTS, 
RECORDS, &c., 



STORMING OF FORT GRISWOLD, 



BURNING OF NEW LONDON 



BY BRITISH TROOPS, UNDER THE COMMAND OF BRIG.-GEN. BENEDICT ARNOLD, 



SIXTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781. 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 



By WILLIAM V\L HARRIS. 




" Zebulon and Naphtali were a people that jeoparded their lives unto the death in the high 

places of the field." — Judges^ 5 Chaft. 18 Verse, 

t [Inaeription on Monument] 



NEW LONDON : 
1870. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by 

WILLIAM W. HARRIS, 

in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



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INDEX. 



Prefatory Note, ------ v 

Introduction, - - - - - - - vii 

Burning of New London, from Connecticut Gazette, Sept. 7th, 1781, 1 

List of Buildings Burned, " " " . _ 4 

List of Killed in Fort Griswold, " " - - 8 

Narrative of Rufus Avery, - - - - - 10 

Narrative of Stephen Hempstead, - - - - 26 

Narrative of John Hempstead, - - - - 34 

Narrative of Jonathan Brooks, - - - - 42 

Narrative of Avery Downer, M. D., - - - - 51 

British Account of the Battle, from Rivington's Gazette, - 56 

Brigadier- General Arnold's Official Report, - - - 60 

Return of British Killed and. Wounded, - - 66 

" Ordnance, &c.. Captured in Fort Griswold, - - 67 
" Ordnance Captured in Fort Trumbull and at N. London, 68 

Lieutenant-Colonel Upham to Governor Franklin, - - 69 

Sir Henry Clinton's General Orders, - - - 72 

Court- Martial of Militia Officers, - - - - 74 

Memorial of Citizens of New London to Colonel McClellan, 79 

Report of Committee on Defense of New London, - - 82 

liCtter of Thomas Mumford to Governor Trumbull, - 84 

List of the Killed at Fort Griswold, - - - "85 

List of the Wounded at Fort Griswold, - - - 87 

Fort Griswold, - - . - - - - 88 

Battle Monument, - - - - - - 89 

Colonel Ledyard's Autograph, - - - - - 91 

Monumental Records, ----- 92 

Appendix, - - - - - - -120 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



The actors in the bloody scene at Groton and New London, on the 
6th of September, 1781, have long smce been gathered to their fathers, 
and those who with boyish awe heard its vivid recollections from their 
lips are becoming aged and fast following them. A fear that as with each 
year the event receded into the past the details would become more dim, 
until all that remained of its features would be the outlines in the nation's 
history, led to the attempt of, as far as possible, gathering all information 
upon the subject with a view to its preservation. 

It is true that valuable and interesting accounts of this event have been 
given to the public, but, with the exception of Rathbone's edition of 
Hempstead's and Avery's Narratives, [published in 1840 and now virtu- 
ally out of print,] they are embodied in large and expensive volumes of 
extraneous history, which by many would be thought too costly. A 
farther reason for publishing was, that all histories before published are 
but partial; extracts from reports and narratives are given — but a full 
and complete collection of all papers bearing upon the subject has never 
been made. 

The writer felt that its importance in history, particularly in that of 
his own town and state, warranted a full account in a volume especially 
devoted to the purpose; a conviction strengthened by expressions of ap- 
proval from friends in whose opinions he has great confidence. The plan 
of publication has been to present the reader with the cotemporaneous 
accounts as given bv each side in order to allow him to draw his own 
conclusions regarding the event. To fully carry out this plan it is neces- 
sary to publish what it is feared will, to some, appear dry, uninteresting 
details, yet which to a complete work are indispensable ; for example, the 
reports of the Court-Martial and the Memorial from citizens of New 
London to the Governor and Council of Safety, which, although they 
add no new facts of interest to the action pi oper, throw much light upon 
the actual condition of New London for defence at that time, and relieve 



vi Prefatory Note. 

the reputation of an officer from an unjust imputation which has, from 
public ignorance in the matter, clouded it to the present day. 

The narrative of the late Jonathan Brooks, and especially that of the 
quaint John Hempsted, showing the serio-comic side of the tragedy, will, 
in their amusing truthfulness, it is thought, more than compensate for 
the barrenness and dry detail inseparable from official reports. 

These narratives, as also that of Dr. Downer, have never before been 
published. In all of them the peculiar orthography of the authors has 
been scrupulously preserved, as an attempt of change to our modern 
style might, in some cases, also alter the sense from that intended. In 
the preparation of the notes in the text great care has been taken to make 
no statement as positive in which there is the least shade of doubt; 
when made by extract the authority is given ; and when suggested by 
probabilities it is so expressed. H. 

New London, July, 1870. 



INTRODUCTION. 



In the latter part of the summer of 1781 Sir Henry Clinton, com- 
mander-in-chief of the British forces in North America, became apprised, 
by intercepted letters,-^ written by Washington, of a meditated attack 
upon New York by the allied French and American forces. Acting on 
this information he called to his aid a considerable portion of the " Army 
of the South," under Cornwallis. 

On this fact becoming known to Washington he immediately reversed 
his entire plan of proposed operation, and determined to fall upon Corn- 
wallis with an overwhelming force before Sir Henry Clinton should be 
able to amend his mistake by reinforcing the Earl. Washington gladly 
adopted a movement in which the prospects were good of retrieving the 
fortunes of the American arms in the south, which, under command of 
General Greene, had, except in two or three unimportant skirmishes, been 
disastrous during the campaign of that year. 

To more completely distract the attention of Sir Henry from his true 
design, Washington, while vigorously perfecting his plans of organization, 
preserved a formidable appearance of design against New York. Count 
de Grasse, wno had recently arrived from Fiance with a powerful naval 
force, was ordered to the Chesapeake to act in conjunction with an allied 
army which had quietly been withdrawn from the north and dispatched 
to that point. So discreetly and with so much secrecy was this important 
movement conducted that Sir Henry was not aware of it until too late 
to prevent, by reinforcements, its probable disastrous consequences upon 
his lieutenant. 

On acquaintance with the fact, and realizing the impossibility of 
strengthening Cornwalhs in time, he resolved, as a last resort, to send an 
expedition against a northern port still in possession of the Americans. 

1 Lossing supposes them to have been written tor the express purpose of deceiving 
Sir Henry, but this supposition hardly appears to be sustained by circumstances and 
subsequently developed facts. 



viii introduction. 

By this measure he hoped to induce Washington to recall either the 
whole or a great part of his expedition in order to protect the threatened 
point. A strong American army of observation still menaced New York, 
and he therefore could not prudently withdraw from its defence a suffi- 
cient force to make the attempt on a distant or strongly fortified point; 
yet at the same time it was necessary that the point attacked and the ap- 
parent consequence of its fall should be of sufficient importance as to di- 
vert Washington from his descent on Cornwallis. 

New London, above all others, appeared the proper point. Its deep 
and capacious harbor, in the event of a permanent lodgment, would be 
unequaled as a station and rendezvous for the immense naval force ex- 
pected from England in the following spring. It was within a few hours 
sail of New York, and in case the attack upon it should be unsuccessful 
the retreat would be open and safe. From its port swarmed the dreaded 
privateers which, while by their captures they furnished the rebels with 
stores and munitions with which to continue the war, at the same time 
cut off the supplies and weakened the royal armies' powers of offence. 
By the capture of the harbor their great rendezvous would be broken up. 
Beside these very strong reasons were others no less important. Should 
its reduction be followed by permanent occupation it would open a most 
favorable route for the invasion of central New England, for a large por- 
tion of which it was the natural port. In addition to all other incentives 
for its attack was the rich prospect of immediate plunder. At this time 
the accumulation of captured military and other stores here was immense, 
the cargo of the merchant-ship Hannah alone being valued at four hun- 
dred thousand dollars. The fortifications were comparatively small and 
inefficiently garrisoned. The regular garrisons consisted nominally of 
one company of artillery and one of infantry in each — Fort Trumbull on 
the west or New London side, and Fort Griswold on the opposite or 
Groton side, of the river. A small battery on Town Hill, known as 
Fort Nonsense, was manned by detachments from Trumbull. Captain 
Adam Shapley commanded the artillery, and was senior officer of the 
latter fort. William Latham was captain of artillery, and Oliver Coit 
of the infantry at Fort Griswold. Colonel William Ledyard commanded 
the military district, comprising the towns of New London and Groton, 
the harbor and its defences. 

At this time the garrisons, which were very seldom if ever full, were 
especially depleted ; most of the men who were capable of bearing arms 
were either in the armies operating in the field, or, as was more generally 
the case, were, by the force of habit and the associations of a people pe- 
culiarly maritime, drawn into either the public or private naval service. 



Introduction, ix 

All these advantages for attack being offered by New London, Sir 
Henry Clinton decided to equip a force with all possible dispatch for its 
reduction. Arnold had just returned from a predatory incursion on the 
southern coasts, and his success on that, no less than his peculiar fitness 
for this expedition to the neighborhood of his early home, induced the 
commander-in-chief to entrust its conduct to him. There is no doubt 
that the intention of the enemy was to enter the harbor at night, and in 
the surprise seize the shipping and forts, make the garrisons prisoners, and 
after making themselves masters of the town, load their transports with 
the rich plunder, and dispatch them with the captured vessels to New 
York. 

All this the enemy reasonably supposed could be accomplished; the 
sloops-of-war brought before the town, and the forts garrisoned by British 
soldiers, before the alarm could be given by the inhabitants. When once 
in possession the holding of the forts and town by these disciplined troops, 
with their facilities for communicating with New York, against the un- 
trained militia, would be a matter of comparative ease. In case the cap- 
ture did not recall Washington, a safe base from which to make an inva- 
sion of New England would be secured. On the afternoon of the 4th 
the fleet of transports and sloops-of-war, under command of Captain 
Beazley in the Amphion, weighed anchor, and under easy sail proceeded 
with a fair wind down the Sound toward its objective point. On the 
following day, the 5th, at two P. M., it came to anchor under Long Isl- 
and shore, directly across from and within about thirty miles of New 
London. The reason of this delay was to avoid appearing off New 
London before darkness should cover their approach. Thus far all had 
apparently tended to the enemy's advantage, but now they miscalculated 
on the continuance of the wind in their favor. Along the New England 
coast during the summer and early autumn — with a regularity almost 
unbroken, except by storms — the wind, soon after twelve o'clock M., 
commences to blow from the south and west; this continues gradually 
decreasing in force until at about three o'clock in the morning, when, 
after a short period of rest, (like the turning of the tide,) it begins to 
blow from the north and west, in which direction it continues until at 
not far from eleven A. M., when it is succeeded by a calm, followed by 
a southerly breeze. 

The British officers calculated on this south wind continuing as usual, 
so that by availing themselves of it to be able to arrive off the town at 
from about midnight to an hour later. They accordingly weighed anchor 
at 7 P. M., not doubting that the five or six miles an hour required to 
reach New London by the appointed time would be easily accomplished. 



X Introduction. 

In this they were disappointed. The south wind died away and was 
succeeded by that from the north nearly two hours earlier than usual, so 
that by beating the fleet was just able to arrive at the mouth of the har- 
bor at 9 o'clock in the morning — some four or five hours after it had been 
observed from the forts, and its approach heralded to the startled country 
by the alarm guns. As soon as the hostile intentions of the enemy were 
manifest. Colonel Ledyard repaired to New London and dispatched ex- 
presses to Governor Trumbull at Lebanon, and the various militia com- 
manders in the neighboring towns apprising them of his danger, and so- 
liciting aid in making a stand in defence of their homes and the honor of 
their country. He then re-crossed the river to Fort Griswold, and pre- 
pared, so far as his limited means would allow, to meet the storm which 
he saw was inevitable. * * * * We have now 

arrived at the point in the history of that eventful day at which begins 
the graphic description of its bloody scenes by participants. As it is no 
part of the plan of this work to give a new version of the battle, but 
rather to preserve the old, these introductory remarks properly close here, 
and give place to the story as related by eye-witnesses and their cotem- 
poraries. 




AN ACCOUNT 



OF THE 



BURNING OF NEW LONDON, 



ON THE 



6TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781. 

From the Connecticut Gazette of Friday^ September Jth. 

AT about day-break on Thursday morning last, twenty- 
four sail of the enemy's shipping appeared to the 
westward of this harbour, which by many were supposed 
to be a plundering party after stock. 

Alarm guns were immediately fired, but the discharge of 
cannon in the harbour has become so frequent of late that 
they answered little or no purpose.' The defenceless state 
of the fortifications and town are obvious to our readers. 
A few of the inhabitants who were equipped advanced 
toward the place where the enemy were tho't likely to make 
their landing, and manoeuvred on the heights adjacent, un- 
til the enemy, about 9 o'clk, landed in two divisions of 
about 800 men each, one of them at Brown's farm near 
the light-house, the other at Groton point. The division 

•^ During the war the privateers which swarmed from New London 
were in the habit of announcing their successes on their return to port 
by firing salutes from their guns. Colonel Samuel McClellan, of Wood- 
stock, (great-grandfather of General G. B. McClellan,) who, after the 
death of Colonel Ledyard, assumed command of New London harbor 
and its defences soon after the battle, forbade the firing of guns in the 
harbor, except in hostilities with the|enemy. 
2 



2 Battle of Groton Heights. 

that landed near the hght-house marched up the road, keep- 
ing out large flanking parties, who were attacked in differ- 
ent places on their march by the inhabitants who had spirit 
and resolution to oppose their progress; the main body of 
the enemy proceeded to the town and set fire to the stores 
on the beach,' and immediately after to the dwelling-houses 
lying on the Mill Cove. The scattered fire of our little 
parties unsupported by our neighbours more distant galled 
them, so that they soon began to retire, setting fire to stores 
and dwelling-houses promiscuously in their way; the fire 
from the stores communicated to the shipping that lay at 
the wharfs, and a number were burnt; others swung to sin- 
gle fasts and remained unburnt At 4 o'clk they began to 
quit the town with great precipitation, and were pursued by 
our brave citizens with the spirit of veterans and drove on 
board their boats. Five of the enemy were killed and about 
20 wounded. Among the latter is a Hessian captain, who 
is a prisoner, as are seven others. We lost four killed and 
ten or twelve wounded — none mortal. The most valuable 
part of the town is reduced to ashes, and all the stores. 
Fort Trumbull not being tenable on the land side, was 
evacuated as the enemy advanced, and the {t\?^ men in it 
crossed the river to Fort Griswold, on Groton Hill, which 
was soon after invested by the division that landed on the 
point. The fort having in it only 120 men, chiefly militia, 
hastily collected, who defended it with the greatest resolu- 
tion and bravery, and once repulsed the enemy, but the fort 
being out of repair could not be defended by such a hand- 
ful of men, th° brave and determined, against so superior 
a number, they did all that men of spirit and bravery in 
such a situation could do; but after having a number of 

■*■ What was then known as "the beach" is now Water Street. It at 
that time was the business part of the town. On it were the public and 
large private store-houses. 



Burning of New London. a. 

their party killed and wounded they found that further re- 
sistance would be in vain, and resigned the fort. Immedi- 
ately on their surrendery the valient Colonel Ledyard, whose 
fate in a particular manner is much lamented, and 70 
other officers and men were murdered, most of them heads 
of families. The enemy lost a Major Montgomery and 
forty-one officers and men in the attack, who were found 
near the fort; their wounded were carried off. Soon after 
the enemy got possession of the fort they set fire to and 
burnt a number of dwelling-houses and stores on Groton 
bank, and embarked about sunset, taking with them sundry 
of the inhabitants of New London and Groton. A Colonel 
Ayres,' who commanded the division, was wounded, and it 
is said died on board the fleet the night they embarked. 

About 15 sail of vessels with effects of the inhabitants 
retreated up the river on the approach of the enemy, and 
were saved, and four others remained in the harbor unhurt. 
The troops were commanded by that infamous traitor to 
his country, Benedict Arnold, who headed the division 
which proceded to the town. By this calamity it is judged 
that more than one hundred families are deprived of their 
habitations, and most of them their ALL. This neighbor- 
hood feel sensibly the loss of many deserving citizens, and, 
th° deceased, can'' but be highly indebted to them for their 
spirit and bravery in their exertions and manly opposition to 
the merciless enemies of our country in their last moments. 

From the same Paper of September l^th^ 1 78 1. 

The following savage action, committed by the troops 
who subdued Fort Griswold on Groton hill, on Thursday 
last, ought to be accorded to their eternal infamy: 

Soon after the surrendery of the fort they loaded a wagon 
with our wounded men, by orders of their officers, and set 

^ Eyre. 



4 Battle of Groton Heights. 

the wagon off from the top of the hill, which is long and 
very steep; the wagon went a considerable distance with 
great force, till it was suddenly stopped by a tree; the shock 
was so great to those faint and bleeding men that part of 
them died instantly; the officers ordered their men to fire on 
the wagon while it was running. By the best information 
we can get there were six killed and 20 wounded previous 
to the enemy's gaining possession of the fort. The num- 
ber of the enemy found buried in Groton amounts to 61. 
The whole number of killed, including those who have 
since died of their wounds, is said to be 82. 

The following is a list of dwelling-houses, stores, &c., in 
New London which were set on fire by the enemy and con- 
sumed: 

On the north end of Main Street. 

No. of Families. 

Picket Latimer's house and barn, - - - 1 

Widow Plumbe's house and barn, - - 2 

Henry Latimer's (late) house, - - - 1 

Late Deacon Green's house and shop, - - 4 

Christopher Prince's house, - - - - 1 

James Pitman's house, - - - - 1 

Daniel Byrne's house, - - - - 1 

Roswell Saltonstall's house and cooper's shop, - 1 

Joseph Hurlbut's house and cooper's shop, - - 1 

Widow Rogers's house, - - - 1 

Henry Deshon's house, - - - - 1 

Gen. Saltonstall's house, 2 stores, shop and bam, - 1 

Store improved by Owen Neil for a house, - - 1 

Late Duncan Stewart's house, - - - 2 
Heirs of Peter Harris, 1 store and one bam. 
Joseph Packwood's store. 

Roger Gibson's house, - - - - 2 

Samuel and Richard Latimer's house, - - 2 



Burning of New London. 5 

No. of Families. 

Ichabod Powers's house, . . - 2 

Peter Latimer's house and cooper's shop, - - 4 

Widow Shapley's house, . - - 1 

Guy Richards & Son, 3 stores and slaughter house. 
John Hartell's work-shop. 

On Beach Street.^ 
Widow EUiot's house and barn, - - 2 

Edward Hallam & Co., 3 stores and barn. 
David Mumford's store. 
Roswell Saltonstall's distill, house and store. 

do do opposite thereto 1 store and a cooper's 

shop improv'd as a house, - - - 1 

Store improv'd by John Springer's family, - - 1 

Thomas Wilson's store. 
Shoe-maker's shop. 
Nathaniel Shaw's two stores. 
Joseph Packwood's store. 

John Deshon's house and two stores, - - 1 

Widow Skinner's house, - - - 1 

Elijah Richards's house, - - - - 1 

Widow Potter's house, - - - - 2 

Barsheba Smith's house, - - - - 2 

Court house, church, jail, jail-house, watch-house and bar- 
ber's shop, - - - - - 2 

On the Bank.^ 
Samuel Bel den's store. 

do do do on the wharf improv'd by a family, 1 

^ When the enemy, passing down Main Street, came to Hallam Street, 
through which they entered Water Street, Arnold is said to have ex- 
claimed, pointing with his sword in the direction of the street with its 
rich stores, "Soldiers, do your duty!" 

^ Now known as Bank Street. 



6 Battle of Groton Heights. 

No. of Families. 

Widow Hancock's two houses, - - - 2 

Shop improv'd by Thomas Gardiner. 

John Erving's house, one store and barn, 

Jonathan Douglass's house and cooper's shop, 

Daniel Deshon's house, - - - - 

Widow Leete's house, - - - - 

Charles Chadwick's house and empty store, - 

John Champlin's shop, 

James Thomson's house and barn, - - - 

Samuel Belden's house and barn, 

John M'Curdy's house, 2 stores, and bam. 

Widow M'Neil's house, and shop opposite, 

Richard Potter's house and store. 

Widow Bulkley's two houses, - - - 

Widow Fosdick's house and bam, - - - 

Jonathan Starr's work-shop. 

Jere. Miller's house, store, and barn, 

Joshua Starr's house and work-shop, 

do do do and bam, _ _ . 

Titus Hurlbut's 2 houses, 2 shops, and bam, 
James Tilley's house, rope-walk, and bam, - 
Doct. Walcott's house and barn, 
Jacob Fink's house and slaughter house, 
John Way's house and cooper shop, 
Russel Hubbard's house, store, and barn, - "3 

James Lamphear's house, - - - 2 

Widow Short's house, - - - "4 

Andrew Palmes's house, - - - 2 

Nathan Douglas's house, tan-house, and barn, - i 

Jere. Miller's house improved by W. Constant, - i 

Joseph Coit's house and two barns, - - - i 

do do on the wharf, one house and two stores, . i 
Nath'l Shaw's house, shop, and two stores, - 3 



Burning of New London. 
At the head of Long Bridge Cove} 

No. of Families. 

Deshon & Christopher's house and tan-house, - i 

A house on Hog Neck,^ - - - - i 

Total, G^ houses containing 97 famihes, 31 stores, 18 
shops, 20 barns, 9 pubhc and other buildings, besides a va- 
riety of other small buildings of different kinds not here 
enumerated. 
Total of buildings here inumerated, - - 143 

There were burnt at Groton at the same time 1 school- 
house, 4 barns, 2 shops, 2 stores, and 1 2 dwelling-houses. 

From the same paper of Septe7nber 2.1 st^ 1781. 

Since our last 7 or 8 dead bodies of officers and soldiers 
have drove ashore on the Great Neck, and 3 others on 
Groton shore which were thrown out of Arnold's burning 
fleet. Our advices from New York are, that the enemy 
lost 220 men, killed and dead of their wounds, in their 
attack on Groton Fort and this place, besides about 70 
deserters. 

The following is the most accurate list we have been 
able to collect of the names of the brave and worthy citi- 
zens who were murdered at Fort Griswold Sept. 6, 178', in- 
cluding those who have since died of their wounds. 

The whole number of killed and those since died of 
their wounds is said to be 82. Should we be able to col- 
lect the names of the others, they shall be published. 

■^ Now Truman, Blinman, and Coit Streets. 
^ Howard Street. 



8 



Battle of Groton Heights. 



BELONGING TO GROTON. 



Lieut.-Col. William Ledyard, Mess. Luke Perkins, 



Mess. Elijah Avery, Capt., 
John Williams, 
Simeon Allen, 
Samuel Allen, 
Amos Stanton, 
Hubbart Burrows, 
Nathan Moor, 
Youngs Ledyard, 
Joseph Lewis, 
Henry Williams, 
Ebenezer Avery, 
John Lester, 
John Stedman, 
Daniel Avery, 
David Avery, Esq., 
Daniel Chester, 
Solomon Avery, 
Jasper Avery, 
Elisha Avery, 
Thomas Avery, 
David Palmer, 
Sylvester Walworth, 
Philip Covil, 
Ezekiel Bailey, 
Jeremiah Chester, 
Daniel Seabury, 
Henry Woodbridge, 
Christopher Woodbridge, 
Elnathan Perkins, 



Luke Perkins, Jun., 
Elisha Perkins, 
Asa Perkins, 
Simeon Perkins, 
John Brown, 
John P. Babcock, 
Nathaniel Adams, 
Barney Kinne, 
Samuel Hill, 
Nathan Shales, 
Joseph Moxley, 
Thomas Starr, Jun., 
Nicholas Starr, 
Moses Jones, 
Rufus Hurlbut, 
Belton Allen, 
Benadam Allen, 
Andrew Billings, 
Simeon Morgan, 
Patrick Ward, 
Christopher Avery, 
Jonas Lester, 
Edward Mills, 
Wait Lester, 
Thomas Miner, 
Andrew Baker, 
Solomon Tift, 
Josiah Wigger. 



Burning of New London. 

BELONGING TO NEW LONDON. 

Mess. Peter Richards, Mess. Stephen Whittelsey, 

James Comstock, Ehaday Jones, 

Richard Chapman, Jonathan Butler, 

John Holt, Wm. Comstock, of 
Samuel Billings, Fort Trumbull, 

John Clark, Daniel Williams, 

John Whittelsey, William Bolton. 



BELONGING TO STONINGTON. 

Mess. Enoch Stanton, Daniel Stanton. 

Thomas Williams, 



BELONGING TO PRESTON. 

Mr. John Billings. 

BELONGING TO LONG ISLAND. 

Capt. Ellis, Henry Halsey. 

Negroes. — Lambo Latham, Jordan Freeman. 



NARRATIVE 



OF 



RUFUS AVERY, 

Containing an account of the transactions at New London 
and Groton, on the 6th September ^ 1781, in his own 
words. 



I HAD charge of the garrison the night previous to the 
attack. The enemy had not yet appeared near us, nor 
did we expect them at this time more than ever; but it is 
true "we know not what shall be on the morrow." About 
3 o'clock in the morning, as soon as daylight appeared, so 
as I could look off, I saw the fleet in the harbor, a little 
distance below the light house; it consisted of thirty-two 
in number, ships, brigs, schooners and sloops. It may well 
be imagined that a shock of consternation, and a thrill of 
dread apprehension flashed over me. I immediately sent 
for Captain William Latham, who was captain of said fort, 
and who was near by. He came and saw the fleet, and 
sent notice to Colonel Ledyard, who was commander of 
the harbor, and also of Forts Griswold and Trumbull. He 
ordered two large guns to be loaded with heavy charges of 
good powder, &c. Captain William Latham took charge 
of the one which was to be discharged from the north east 
part of the fort, and I had to attend the other, on the west 
side, and thus we as speedily as possible prepared to give 
alarm to the vicinity, as was to be expected in case of dan- 
ger, two guns being the specified signal for alarm in distress. 
But a difficulty now arose from having all our plans com- 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 1 1 

municated by a traitor ! The enemy understood our signal 
was two regular guns, and they fired a third, which broke 
our alarm, and caused it to signify good news or a prize, 
and thus it was understood by our troops, and several com- 
panies which were lying back ready to come to our assist- 
ance in case of necessity were by this measure deterred 
from coming. The reader may well suppose, though time 
would not permit us to consider, or anticipate long,, yet the 
sense of our helplessness without additional strength, and 
arms, was dreadful; but the trying events of the few com- 
ing hours we had not known! Colonel Ledyard now sent 
expresses from both forts, to call on every militia captain to 
hurry with their companies to the forts. But few came; 
their excuse was, that it was but a false alarm, or for some 
trifling alarm. The enemy's boats now approached and 
landed eight hundred officers and men, some horses, carriages 
and cannon, on the Groton side of the river, about 8 o'clock 
in the morning; and another division on the New London 
side, below the light house, consisting of about seven hun- 
dred officers and men. The army on Groton banks was 
divided into two divisions. Colonel Ayres took command 
of the division south east of the forts, consisting of about 
half, sheltering them behind a ledge of rocks, about one 
hundred and thirty rods back. Major Montgomery with 
his division about one hundred and fifty rods from the fort, 
behind a high hill. The army on New London side of 
the river, had better and more accommodating land to 
march on than that on Groton side. As soon as their army 
had got opposite Fort Trumbull, they divided, and one part 
proceeded to the city of New London, plundered and set 
fire to the shipping and buildings, the rest marched down 
to Fort Trumbull. Captain Adam Shapley, who com- 
manded, seeing that he was likely to be overpowered by 
the enemy, spiked his cannon, and embarked on board the 



12 Battle of Groton Heights. 

boats which had been prepared for him in case of necessity; 
but the enemy were so quick upon him, that before he and 
his httle handful of men could get out of the reach of 
their guns, seven men were badly wounded in the boats. 
The remaining one reached Fort Griswold, where, poor fel- 
lows, they met a mortal blow. 

Ayres and Montgomery got their army stationed about 

9 o'clock in the morning. When they appeared in sight 
we threw a number of shots among them, but they would 
immediately contrive to disappear behind their hills. About 

10 o'clock they sent a flag of truce to demand the surren- 
der of the fort. When the flag was within about forty rods 
from the fort, we sent a musket ball in front of them, and 
brought them to a stand. Colonel Ledyard called a coun- 
cil of war, to ascertain the minds of his officers and friends 
about what was best to be done in this momentous hour, 
when every moment indicated a bloody and decisive battle. 
They all agreed in council to send a flag to them. They 
did so, choosing Captain Elijah Avery, Captain Amos Staun- 
ton,' and Captain John Williams, who went immediately to 
meet the British flag and receive their demand, which was 
to give up the fort to them. The council was then inquired 
of what was to be done? and the answer returned to the 
British flag was, that "the fort would not be given up to 
the British." The flag then returned to their division com- 
manded by Ayres, but soon returned to us again; when 
about a proper distance our flag met them and attended to 
their summons, and came back to inform Colonel Ledyard, 
that the enemy declared that "if they were obliged to take 

* Captain Staunton, a man 'of almost gigantic stature and herculean 
strength, on seeing the slaughter continued after the surrender, is said to 
have seized a heavy musket by the muzzle, and exclaiming "My God, 
must we die so!" sprang upon the platform on the w^est side of the fort, 
and nearly cleared it of the enemy before he was brought down by a 
musket shot. 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 13 

it by storm, they should put the Martial Law in full force," 
that is, "what they did not kill by ball they should put to 
death by sword and bayonet!" Colonel Ledyard sent back 
the decisive answer, that "we should not give up the fort 
to them, let the consequences be what they would " 

While these flags were passing and repassing, we were 
exchanging shots with the British at Fort Trumbull, as they 
had got possession of it before the battle commenced in ac- 
tion at Fort Griswold. We could throw our shot into Fort 
Trumbull without any difficulty, but the British could not 
cause theirs to enter Fort Griswold, because they could not 
aim high enough. They had got possession and in use, 
some of our best pieces and ammunition, which were left 
in Fort Trumbull when Captain Shapley left it and retreated. 
About 11 o'clock in the morning, when they perceived 
what we were about to do, they started with both their di- 
visions. Colonel Ayres advancing with his in solid columns. 
As soon as they reached the level ground, and in a proper 
range, we saluted them with an eighteen pounder, then 
loaded with two bags of grape shot. Captain Elias H. 
Halsey was the one who directed the guns, and took aim 
at the enemy. He had long practiced on board a privateer, 
and manifested his skill at this time. I was at the gun with 
others when it was discharged into the British ranks, and it 
cleared a very wide space in their solid columns. It has 
been reported, by good authority, that about twenty were 
killed and wounded by that one discharge of grape shot. 
As soon as the column was broken by loss of men and of- 
ficers, they were seen to scatter and trail arms, coming on 
with a quick step towards the fort, inclining to the west. 
We continued firing, but they advanced upon the south 
and west side of the fort. Colonel Ayres was mortally 
wounded. Major Montgomery now advanced with his di- 
vision, coming on in solid columns, bearing around to the 



14 Battle of Groton Heights. 

north, until they got east of the redoubt or battery, which 
was east of the fort, then marching with a quick step into 
the battery. Here we sent among them large and repeated 
charges of grape shot, which destroyed a number, as we 
could perceive them thinned and broken. Then they 
started for the fort, a part of them in platoons, discharging 
their guns; and some of the officers and men scattering, 
they came around on the east and north side of the fort. 
Here Major Montgomery fell, near the north east part of 
the fort. We might suppose the loss of their commanders 
might have dismayed them, but they had proceeded so far, 
and the excitement and determination on slaughter was so 
great, they could not be prevented. As soon as their army 
had entirely surrounded the garrison, a man attempted to 
open the gates, but he lost his life in a moment before he 
could succeed. There was hard fighting, and shocking 
slaughter, and much blood spilt before another attempt was 
made to open the gates, which was at this time successful; 
for our little number, which was only one hundred and fifty- 
five, officers and privates, (the most of them volunteers,) 
were by this time overpowered. There was then no block 
house on the parade as there is now, so that the enemy had 
every chance to wound and kill every man. When they 
had overpowered us and driven us from our station at the 
breastwork into the fort, and Colonel Ledyard saw how few 
men he had remaining to fight with, he ceased resistance. 
They all left their posts and went on to the open parade in 
the fort, where the enemy had a fair opportunity to massacre 
us, as there were only six of us to an hundred of them! 
This, this was a moment of indescribable misery I We can 
fight with good hearts while hope and prospects of victory 
aid us; but, after we have fought and bled, and availed 
nothing, to yield to be massacred by the boasting enemy, 
" tries men's hearts !" Our ground was drenched with human 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 15 

gore; our wounded and dying could not have any attend- 
ance, while each man was almost hopeless of his own pres- 
ervation; but our country's danger caused the most acute 
anxiety. Now I saw the enemy mount the parapets like 
so many madmen, all at once seemingly. They swung 
their hats around, and then discharged their guns into the 
fort, and then those who had not fallen by ball they began 
to massacre with sword and bayonet. I was on the west 
side of the fort, with Captain Edward Latham and Mr. C. 
Latham, standing on the platform, and had a full view of 
the enemy's conduct. I had then a hole through my clothes 
by a ball, and a bayonet rent through my coat to my flesh. 
The enemy approached us, knocked down the two men I 
mentioned, with the britch of their guns, and I expected 
had ended their lives, but they did not. By this time that 
division which had been commanded by Montgomery, now 
under charge of Bloomfield, unbolted the other gates, 
marched into the fort and formed into a solid column. I 
at this moment left my station and went across the parade, 
towards the south end of the barracks. I noticed Colonel 
William Ledyard on the parade stepping towards the enemy 
and Bloomfield, gently raising and lowering his sword as a 
token of bowing and submission; he was about six feet 
from them when I turned my eyes off from him, and went 
up to the door of the barracks and looked at the enemy 
who were discharging their guns through the windows. It 
was but a moment that I had turned my eyes from Colonel 
Ledyard and saw him alive, and now I saw him weltering 
in his gore !' Oh the hellish spite and madness of a man 

^ The chivalrous Ledyard seems to have felt a premonition of impend- 
ing calamity from the beginning. On stepping into the boat to cross 
from New London on the morning, he remarked to friends gathered 
about him, "If I have this day to lose either life or honor, you who 
know me best know which it will be." 



i6 Battle of Groton Heights. 

that will murder a reasonable and noble-hearted officer in 
the act of submitting and surrendering! I can assure my 
countrymen that I felt the thrill of such a horrid deed, 
more than the honorable and martial-like war of months! 
We are informed that the wretch who murdered him ex- 
claimed, as he came near, "Who commands this fort?" 
Ledyard handsomely replied, "I did, but you do now;" at 
the same moment handing him his sword, which the un- 
feeling villian buried in his breast.' The column continued 

^. Since this transaction there has ever existed in the public mind great 
uncertainty as to who was the murderer of Colonel Ledyard, the odium 
being divided between Major Bromfield, who succeeded Major Mont- 
gomery in command of the British troops on that occasion, and Captain 
Beckwith, of the 54th regiment. No person who actually witnessed the 
deed survived the battle, or if any did they left no account of it behind 
them, and therefore the version of the manner of Ledyard's death, com- 
monly received as the correct one, is but merely a conjecture at the most. 
By this, the deed is ascribed to the officer who received Ledyard's surren- 
der of the fort, supposed by the greater number to have been Major 
Bromfield; others at the time, and for a long time subsequent, laid the 
infamous transaction to the charge of Captain Beckwith, supposing him 
to have been the officer who met Ledyard and demanded the surrender. 

Let us consider the matter a little, and see if we be able to reconcile 
the known facts and strong probabilities in the case with this generally 
received opinion. Upon the entry of the British officer to the fort, and 
at his demand of who commanded it. Colonel Ledyard advanced to an- 
swer "I did," &c., at the same time tendering him the hilt of his sword 
in token of submission. It is obvious that in this action Colonel Ledyard 
must have presented the front of his person to that officer. Now had 
the latter, in taking the surrendered sword, instantly (as all accounts 
charge him with having done) plunged it into him, is it not also evident 
that it must have entered in front and passed out of the back of his per- 
son ? The vest and shirt worn that day by Colonel Ledyard, preserved 
in the Wadsworth Athenaeum at Hartford, upon examination reveal two 
rough, jagged openings, one on either side, a little before and in a line 
with the lower edge of the arm-holes of the vest. The larger of these 
apertures is upon the left side; the difference in size between it and that 
on the right corresponds with the taper of a sabre blade from hilt to 
point, showing conclusively that the weapon entered from the left and 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 17 

marching towards the south end of the parade, and I could 
do no better than to go across the parade before them amid 

passed out at the right, and that the person by whom the wound was in- 
flicted must have stood upon the left side of the wearer when the plunge 
was made. These holes are marked — that on the left, as "where the 
sword entered," and that on the right, as "where the sword came out" 
— so marked, doubtless, bv the person who presented these memorials to 
the society, a near relative of Colonel Ledyard, and who considered them 
as the marks of the fatal wound. These are the only marks visible upon 
the garment. It is a reasonable supposition that when the British officer 
entered and thundered his demand, he carried his drawn sword in his 
right hand, for we can scarcely imagine an officer rushing unarmed into 
a place of such danger and demanding a surrender. Now in case he 
did so carry his sword, he must necessarily either have sheathed, dropped, 
or changed it to his left hand, in order to receive Ledyard's with the 
right ; and this hardly seems possible. We must therefore suppose that 
he received it in his left hand; and if so, does it not appear as most un- 
reasonable that having a sword in either hand, he would have used tjiat 
in his left with which to make the thrust? yet he must have done so if 
it was by his own sword that Ledyard met his death- Neither does it 
appear possible that in the heat and excitement of the engagement — 
coolly calculating the chances — he would have passed around to the left 
of his victim for the purpose of making the wound more surely fatal — 
the only reason for which we can suppose it to have been done. 

We have seen from the position occupied by the parties that the 
wound, if inflicted instantly on the surrender of the sword, must have 
been given in front — the marks in the vest conclusively prove it to have 
been given in the left side. We have seen the awkward position of the 
officer with his own sword in his right and Ledyard's in his left hand — a 
situation almost precluding the idea of his making the stab with the latter. 
We have also seen that no person who witnessed it left any testimony 
regarding the affair, and that all that the commonly received version of 
it is based upon is really but the surmises of a people wrought almost to 
desperation by their losses and wrongs, who in the first moments of ex- 
asperation would naturally attribute an act of such enormity to the com- 
mander as the representative of the enemy. Now after considering all 
these facts and probabilities, is it not a more rational conclusion that the 
wound was given by a bystanding officer — a subaltern or aid perhaps — 
than that it was inflicted by the officer to whom^ Ledyard offered his 
sword? It certainly so appears to us. But in case that, despite all these 

4 



i8 Battle of Grot on Heights. 

their fire. They discharged three platoons as I crossed be- 
fore them at this time. I beUeve there were not less than 
five or six hundred of the British on the parade and in the 
fort. They killed and wounded every man they possibly 
could, and it was all done in less than two minutes! I had 
nothing to expect but to drop with the rest; one mad look- 
ing fellow put his bayonet to my side, swearing "by Jesus 
he would skipper me !" I looked him earnestly in the face 
and eyes, and begged him to have mercy and spare my 

reasons for believing that officer innocent of the crime, he was really 
guilty, of the two to whom it has been charged, against but one is there 
any evidence to sustain the charge, and this is purely circumstantial. Cap- 
tain Beckwith acted as aid to Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre on the day of the 
battle, and was the officer sent to demand the surrender of the fort. He, 
with Lord Dalrymple, was sent by Arnold as bearer of dispatches to Sir 
Henry Clinton, and in all probability furnished the account of the 
battle for Rivington's Gazette, which appeared in that paper before the 
remainder of the expedition had reached New York. In this account, 
in which the details of the conference regarding the surrender are given 
with a minuteness with which only an eye-witness could give them, per- 
sonal malice toward Colonel Ledyard is a salient feature, which the most 
unobservant reader can not fail to notice. The writer appears to have 
considered the flag, and the officers bearing it, insulted in the conference ; 
and in his references to the garrison, and to Colonel Ledyard in particu- 
lar, he expresses himself in the most contemptuous and bitter terms. 

If he was the officer to whom the surrender was made, it is possible 
that on beholding the man who he fancied had insulted him, he allowed 
his rage to supplant his manhood, and, forgetting his military honor, 
plunged his sword into his vanquished enemy. From Miss Caulkins' His- 
tory of New London we learn that he afterward passed through New 
York on his way to Barbadoes. While there he was charged by the 
newspapers of that city with the murder, which he indignantly denied. 
A correspondence was opened between him and a relative of Colonel 
Ledyard in reference to the question, when he produced documents which 
exculpated him. In view of this, however, as between him and Major 
Bromfield, circumstantial evidence is strongly in favor of the latter, who 
doubtless could have furnished as full documentary proof of his innocence 
had he been called upon for it. 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 19 

life ! I must say I believe God prevented him from killing 
me, for he put his bayonet three times into me, and I seemed 
to be in his power, as well as Lieutenant Enoch Staunton, 
who was stabbed to the heart and fell at my feet at this 
time. I think no scene ever exceeded this for continued 
and barbarous massacre after surrender. There were two 
large doors to the magazine, which made a space wide 
enough to admit ten men to stand in one rank. There 
marched up a platoon of ten men just by where I stood, 
and at once discharged their guns into the magazine among 
our killed and wounded, and also among those who had 
escaped uninjured, and as soon as these had fired another 
platoon was ready, and immediately took their place when 
they fell back. At this moment Bloomfield came swiftly 
around the corner of the building, and raising his sword 
with exceeding quickness exclaimed, "stop firing, or you 
will send us all to hell together!" I was very near him 
when he spoke. He knew there must be much powder 
deposited and scattered about the magazine, and if they 
continued throwing in fire we should all be blown up. I 
think it must, before this, have been the case, had not the 
ground and every thing been wet with human blood. We 
trod in blood! We trampled under feet the limbs of our 
countrymen, our neighbors and dear kindred. Our ears 
were filled with the groans of the dying, when the more 
stunning sound of the artillery would give place to the 
death shrieks. After this they ceased killing and went to 
stripping, not only the dead, but the wounded and those 
who were not wounded. They then ordered us all who 
were able to march, to the northeast part of the parade, 
and those who could walk to help those who were wounded 
so bad as not to go of themselves. Mr. Samuel Edgcomb, 
Jr., and myself were ordered to carry out Ensign Charles 
E'dridge, who was shot through the knee joints; he was a 



20 Battle of Groton Heights. 

very large, heavy man, and with our fasting and violent 
exercise of the day, we were but ill able to do it, or more 
than to sustain our own weight; but we had to submit. 
We with all the prisoners were taken out upon the parade, 
about two rods from the fort, and ordered to sit down im- 
mediately, or they would put their bayonets into us. The 
battle was now ended. It was about i o'clock in the after- 
noon, and since the hour of eight in the morning, what a 
scene of carnage, of anxiety, and of loss had we experi- 
enced. The enemy now began to take care of their dead 
and wounded. They took off six of the outer doors of 
the barracks, and with four men at each door, they brought 
in one man at a time. There were twenty-four men thus 
employed for two hours, as fast as they could walk. They 
deposited them on the west side of the parade, in the fort, 
where it was the most comfortable place, and screened from 
the hot sun which was pouring down upon us, aggravating 
our wounds, and causing many to faint and die who might 
have lived with good care. By my side lay two most 
worthy and excellent officers. Captain Youngs Ledyard 
and Captain N. Moore, in the agonies of death. Their 
heads rested on my thighs as I sat or lay there. They had 
their reason well and spoke. They asked for water. I 
could give them none, as I was to be thrust through if I 
got up. I asked the enemy, who were passing by us, to 
give us some water for my dying friends and for myself 
As the well was near they granted this request; but even 
then I feared they would put something poison into it, that 
they might get us out of the way the sooner; and they had 
said repeatedly that the last of us should die before the 
sun set! Oh what revenge and inhumanity pervaded their 
steeled hearts! They effected what was threatened in the 
summons, sent by the flag in the morning, to Colonel Led- 
yard, "That those who were not killed by the musket 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 21 

should be by the sword," &c. But I must think they be- 
came tired of human butchery, and so let us live. They 
kept us the ground, the garrison charged, till about two 
hours had been spent in taking care of their men, and then 
came and ordered every man of us that could walk to "rise 
up." Sentries were placed around with guns loaded and 
bayonets fixed, and orders given that every one who would 
not, in a moment, obey commands, should be shot dead or 
run through! I had to leave the two dying men who were 
resting on me, dropping their heads on the cold and hard 
ground, giving them one last and pitying look. Oh God, 
this was hard work. They both died that night. We 
marched down to the bank of the river so as to be ready 
to embark on board the British vessels. There were about 
thirty of us surrounded by sentries. Captain Bloomfield 
then came and took down the names of the prisoners who 
were able to march down with us. Where I sat I had a 
fair view of their movements. They were setting fire to 
the buildings, and bringing the plunder and laying it down 
near us. The sun was about half an hour high. I can 
never forget the whole appearance of all about me. New 
London was in flames. The inhabitants deserted their hab- 
itations to save life, which was more highly prized. Above 
and around us were our unburied dead and our dying 
friends. None to appeal to for sustenance in our exhausted 
state but a maddened enemy — not allowed to move a step 
or make any resistance, but with loss of life — and sitting to 
see the property of our neighbors consumed by fire, or the 
spoils of a triumphing enemy! 

Reader, but little can be described, while much is felt. 
There were still remaining, near the fort, a great number of 
the British who were getting ready to leave. They loaded 
up our large ammunition wagon that belonged to the fort 
with the wounded men that could not walk, and about 



22 Battle of Qroton Heights. 

twenty of the enemy drew it from the fort to the brow of 
the hill which leads down to the river. The declivity is 
very steep for the distance of thirty rods to the river. As 
soon as the wagon began to move down the hill, it pressed 
so hard against them that they found they were unable to 
hold it back, and jumped away from it as quick as possible, 
leaving it to thrash along down the hill with great speed, 
till the shafts struck a large apple-tree stump with a most 
violent crash, hurting the poor dying and wounded men in 
it in a most inhuman manner. Some of the wounded fell 
out and fainted away; then a part of the company where 
I sat ran and brought the men and the wagon along. They 
by some means got the prisoners who were wounded badly, 
into a house near by, belonging to Ensign Ebenezer Avery, 
who was one of the wounded in the wagon. Before the 
prisoners were brought to the house the soldiers had set fire 
to it, but others put it out, and made use of it for this pur- 
pose. Captain Bloomfield paroled, to be left at home here, 
these wounded prisoners, and took Ebenezer Ledyard, Esq., 
as hostage for them, to see them forthcoming when called 
for. Now the boats had come for us who could go on 
board the fleet. The officer spoke with a doleful and me- 
nacing tone, "Come, you rebels, go on board." This was 
a consummation of all I had seen or endured through the 
day. This wounded my feelings in a thrilling manner. 
After all my sufferings and toil, to add the pang of leaving 
my native land, my wife, my good neighbors, and probably 
to suffer still more with cold and hunger, for already I had 
learned that I was with a cruel enemy. But I was in the 
hands of a higher power, over which no human being could 
hoid superior control, and by God's preservation I am still 
alive, through all the hardships and dangers of the war, 
while almost every one about me, who shared the same, 
has met either a natural or an unnatural death. When we. 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 23 

the prisoners, went down to the shore to the boats, they 
would not bring them near, but kept them off where the 
water was knee deep to us, obliging us, weak and worn as 
we were, to wade to them. We were marched down in 
two ranks, one on each side of the boat. The officer spoke 
very harshly to us, to "get aboard immediately." They 
rowed us down to an armed sloop, commanded by one Cap- 
tain Thomas, as they called him, a refugee tory, and he 
lay with his vessel within the fleet. As soon as we were on 
board they hurried us down into the hold of the sloop, 
where were their fires for cooking, and besides being very 
hot, it was filled with smoke. The hatch-way was closed 
tight, so that we were near suffocating for want of air to 
breathe. We begged them to spare our lives, so they gave 
us some relief, by opening the hatch-way and permitting us 
to come upon deck by two or three at a time, but not with- 
out sentries watching us with gun and bayonet. We were 
now extremely exhausted and faint for want of food, when, 
after being on board twenty-four hours, they gave us a mess 
of hogs' brains — the hogs which they took on Groton banks 
when they plundered there. After being on board Thom- 
as's sloop nearly three days, with nothing to eat or drink 
that we could swallow, we began to feel as if a struggle 
must be made, in some way, to prolong our existence, 
which, after all our escapes, seemed still to be depending. 
In such a time we can know for a reality how strong is the 
love of life. In the room where we were confined were a 
great many weapons of war, and some of the prisoners 
whispered that we might make a prize of the sloop. This 
in some way was overheard, and got to the officer's ears, 
and now we were immediately put in a stronger place in 
the hold of the vessel; and they appeared so enraged that 
I was almost sure we should share a decisive fate, or suffer 
severely. Soon they commenced calling us, one by one, 



24 Battle of Groton Heights. 

on deck. As I went up they seized me, tied my hands 
behind me with a strong rope-yam, and drew it so tight 
that my shoulder-bones cracked, and almost touched each 
other. Then a boat came from a fouiteen-gun brig, com- 
manded by one Steele, Into this boat I was ordered to 
get, without the use of my hands, over the sloop's bulwarks, 
which were all of three feet high, and then from these I 
had to fall, or throw myself into the boat. My distress of 
body and agitated feelings I can not describe; and no relief 
could be anticipated, but only forebodings of a more severe 
fate. A prisoner with an enemy, an enraged and revenge- 
ful enemy, is a place where I pray my reader may never 
come. They made us all lie down under the seats on 
which the man sat to row, and so we were conveyed to the 
brig; going on board, we were ordered to stand in one rank 
by the gunwale, and in front of us was placed a spar within 
about a foot of each man. Here we stood, with a sentry 
to each of us, having orders to shoot or bayonet us if we 
attempted to stir out of our place. All this time we had 
nothing to eat or drink, and it rained and was very cold. 
We were detained in this position about two hours, when 
we had liberty to go about the main deck. Night ap- 
proached, and we had no supper, nor any thing to lie upon 
but the wet deck. We were on board this brig about four 
days, and then were removed on board a ship commanded 
by Captain Scott, who .was very kind to the prisoners. He 
took me on to the quarter deck with him, and appeared to 
have the heart of a man. I should think he was about 
sixty years of age. I remained with him until I was ex- 
changed. Captain Nathaniel Shaw came down to New 
York with the American flag, after me and four others, 
who were prisoners with me, and belonged to Fort Gris- 
wold, and who were brave and fine young men. General 
Mifflin went with the British flag to meet this American 



Narrative of Rufus Avery. 25 

flag. I sailed with him about twenty miles. He asked 
me many questions, all of which I took caution how I an- 
swered, and gave him no information. I told him I was 
very sorry that he should come to destroy so many, many 
brave men, bum their property, distress so many families, 
and make such desolation. I did not think they could be 
said to be honorable in so doing. He said "we might 
thank our own countrymen for it." I told him I had no 
thanks for him. I then asked the general if I might ask 
him a few questions. "As many as you please." I asked 
him how many of the army who made the attack upon 
New London and Groton were missing. As you, sir, are 
the commissary of the British army, I suppose you can tell. 
He replied, "that by the returns there were two hundred 
and twenty odd missing, but what had become of them he 
knew not." We advanced, and the flags met, and I was 
exchanged and permitted to return home. Here I close 
my narrative; for, as I was requested, I have given a par- 
ticular and unexaggerated account of that which I saw 

with mine own eyes. 

RUFUS AVERY, 

Orderly Sergeant under Captain William Latham. 



NARRATIVE 



OF 



STEPHEN HEMPSTEAD. 



ON the moming of the 6th of September, 1781, twen- 
ty-four sail of the enemy's shipping appeared to the 
westward of New London harbor. The enemy landed in 
two divisions, of about 800 men each, commanded by that 
infamous traitor to his country, Benedict Arnold, who 
headed the division that landed on the New London side, 
near Brown's farms; the other division, commanded by 
Colonel Ayres, landed on Groton Point, nearly opposite. I 
was first sergeant of Captain Adam Shapley's company of 
state troops, and was stationed with him at the time, with 
about twenty-three men, at Fort Trumbull, on the New 
London side. This was a mere breast-work or water bat- 
tery, open from behind, and the enemy coming on us from 
that quarter, we spiked our cannon, and commenced a re- 
treat across the river to Fort Griswold in three boats. The 
enemy was so near that they over-shot us with their mus- 
kets, and succeeded in capturing one boat with six men 
commanded by Josiah Smith, a private. They afterwards 
proceeded to New London and burnt the town. We were 
received by the garrison with enthusiasm, being considered 
experienced artillerists, whom they much needed, and we 
were immediately assigned to our stations. The fort was 
an oblong square, with bastions at opposite angles, its long- 



Narrative of Stephen Hempstead. 27 

est side fronting the river in a north-west and south-east di- 
rection. Its walls were of stone, and were ten or twelve 
feet high on the lower side, and surrounded by a ditch. 
On the wall were pickets, projecting over twelve feet; above 
this was a parapet with embrasures, and within a platform 
for the cannon, and a step to mount upon to shoot over the 
parapet with small arms. In the south-west bastion was a 
flag-staff, and in the side, near the opposite angle, was the 
gate, in front of which was a triangular breast-work to pro- 
tect the gate; and to the right of this was a redoubt, with 
a three-pounder in it, which was about 120 yards from the 
gate. Between the fort and the river was another battery, 
with a covered way, but which could not be used in this 
attack, as the enemy appeared in a different quarter. The 
garrison, with the volunteers, consisted of about 160 men. 
Soon after our arrival the enemy appeared in force in some 
woods about half a mile southeast of the fort, from whence 
they sent a flag of truce, which was met by Captain Shap- 
ley, demanding an unconditional surrender, threatening at 
the same time, to storm the fort instantly if the terms were 
not accepted.' A council of war was held, and it was the 
unanimous voice, that the garrison were unable to defend 
themselves against so superior a force. But a militia colo- 
nel who was then in the fort, and had a body of men in 
the immediate vicinity, said he would reinforce them with 
2 or 300 men in fifteen minutes, if rhey would hold out; 
Colonel Ledyard agreed to send back a defiance, upon the 
most solemn assurance of immediate succour. For this 

purpose Colonel started, his men being then in 

sight; but he was no more seen, nor did he even attempt 

^ Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre formed his men behind the ledge of rocks 
which forms the eastern boundary of the burial-ground. Major Mont- 
gomery's column formed in the rear of a hillock, a short distance north- 
cast of that point. 



28 Battle of Groton Heights. 

a diversion in our favor. When the answer to their demand 
had been returned by Captain Shapley, the enemy were 
soon in motion, and marched with great rapidity, in a soUd 
column, to within a short distance of the fort, where divid- 
ing the column, they rushed furiously and simultaneously 
to the assault of the southwest bastion and the opposite 
sides. They were, however, repulsed with great slaughter, 
their commander mortally wounded, and Major Montgom- 
ery, next in rank, killed, having been thrust through the 
body, whilst in the act of scaling the walls at the south-west 
bastion, by Captain Shapley. The command then devolved 
on Colonel Beckwith, a refugee from New Jersey, who 
commanded a corps of that description. The enemy rallied 
and returned the attack with great vigor, but were received 
and repulsed with equal firmness. During the attack a 
shot cut the halyards of the flag, and it fell to the ground, 
but was instantly remounted on a pike pole. This accident 
proved fatal to us, as the enemy, supposed it had been 
struck by its defenders, rallied again, and rushing with re- 
doubled impetuosity, carried the south-west bastion by 
storm. Until this moment our loss was trifling in number, 
being six or seven killed, and eighteen or twenty wounded. 
Never was a post more bravely defended, nor a garrison 
more barbarously butchered. We fought with all kinds of 
weapons, and at all places, with a courage that deserved a 
better fate.^ Many of the enemy were killed under the 

■"■ John DaboU, one of the garrison, discharged his musket no less than 
seven times at one particular soldier, who also seems to have singled him 
out as his opponent. The singular duel was terminated by the eighth 
shot from the enemy carrying away the lock of DaboU's musket, and se- 
verely wounding him in the head. This incident was related to the 
writer by an old gentleman now living in Groton, who had frequently 
heard the story from DaboU. — H. 

Thomas, son of Lieutenant Parke Avery, aged seventeen, was killed 
fighting by the side of his father. Just before he fell (the battle growing 



Narrative of Stephen Hempstead. 29 

walls by throwing simple shot over on them, and never 
would we have relinquished our arms, had we had the least 
idea that such a catastrophe would have followed. To de- 
scribe this scene I must be permitted to go back a little in 
my narrative. I commanded an eighteen-pounder on the 
south side of the gate, and while in the act of /ighting my 
gun, a ball passed through the embrasure, struck me a little 
above the right ear, grazing the skull, and cutting off the 
veins, which bled profusely. A handkerchief was tied 
around it, and I continued at my duty. Discovering, some 
little time after, that a British soldier had broken a picket 
at the bastion on my left, and was forcing himself through 
the hole, whilst the men stationed there were gazing at the 
battle which raged opposite to them, cried, "my brave fel- 
lows the enemy are breaking in behind you," and raised 
my pike to dispatch the intruder, when a ball struck my 
left arm at the elbow, and my pike fell to the ground. 
Nevertheless I grasped it with my right hand, and with the 
men, who turned and fought manfully, cleared the breach. 
The enemy, however,- soon after forced the south-west bas- 
tion, where Captain Shapley, Captain Peter Richards, Lieu- 
tenant Richard Chapman, and several other men of distinc- 
tion, and volunteers, had fought with unconquerable cour- 
age, and were all either killed or mortally wounded, and 
which had sustained the brunt of every attack. 

Captain P. Richards, Lieutenant Chapman, and several 
others, were killed in the bastion; Captain Shapley and 
others wounded. He died of his wounds in January fol- 
lowing. 

Colonel Ledyard, seeing the enemy within the fort, gave 

hot) the father turned and said, "Tom, my son, do your dutv!" 
"Never fear, father," was the reply, and the next moment he was 
stretched upon the ground. "'Tis a good cause," said the father, and 
he remained firm at his post. — Caulkins. 



7 



3© Battle of Groton Heights. 

orders to cease firing, and to throw down our arms, as the 
fort had surrendered. We did so, but they continued firing 
upon us, crossed the fort and opened the gate, when they 
marched in, firing in platoons upon those who were retreat- 
ing to the magazine and barrack-rooms for safety. At this 
moment the renegade Colonel Beckwith commanding, cried 
out, "Who commands this garrison*?" Colonel Ledyard, 
who was standing near me, answered, "I did sir, but you 
do now," at the same time stepping forward, handed him 
his sword with the point towards himself At this instant 
I perceived a soldier in the act of bayoneting me from be- 
hind. I turned suddenly round and grasped his bayonet, 
endeavoring to unship it, and knock off the thrust, but in 
vain. Having but one hand, he succeeded in forcing it 
into my right hip, above the joint, and just below the ab- 
domen, and crushed me to the ground. The first person 
I saw afterwards was my brave commander, a corpse by 
my side, having been run through the body with his own 
sword, by the savage renegade. Never was a scene of 
more brutal wanton carnage witnessed than now took place. 
The enemy were still firing upon us in platoons, and in the 
barrack-rooms, which were continued for some minutes, 
when they discovered they were in danger of being blown 
up, by communicating fire to the powder scattered at the 
mouth of the magazine while delivering out cartridges; 
nor did it then cease in the rooms for some minutes longer. 
All this time the bayonet was "freely used," even on those 
who were helplessly wounded and in the agonies of death. 
I recollect Captain Wilham Seymour,' a volunteer from 
Hartford, had thirteen bayonet wounds, although his knee 
had previously been shattered by a ball, so much so, that 
it was obliged to be amputated the next day. But I need 
not mention particular cases. I have already said that we 

^ Nephew of Colonel Ledyard. 



Narrative of Stephen Hempstead. 31 

had six killed and eighteen wounded previous to their 
storming our lines; eighty-five were killed in all, thirty-five 
mortally and dangerously wounded, and forty taken prison- 
ers to New York, most of them slightly hurt. 

After the massacre they plundered us of every thing we 
had, and left us literally naked. When they commenced 
gathering us up together with their own wounded, they put 
theirs under the shade of the platform, and exposed us to 
the sun, in front of the barracks, where we remained over 
an hour. Those that could stand were then paraded, and 
ordered to the landing, while those that could not (of which 
number I was one) were put in one of our ammunition 
wagons, and taken to the brow of the hill, (which was very 
steep, and at least one hundred rods in descent,) from 
whence it was permitted to run down by itself, but was ar- 
rested in its course, near the river, by an apple tree. The 
pain and anguish we all endured in this rapid descent, as 
the wagon jumped and jostled over rocks and holes is in- 
conceivable; and the jar in its arrest was like bursting the 
cords of life asunder, and caused us to shriek with almost 
supernatural force. Our cries were distinctly heard and no- 
ticed on the opposite side of the river, (which is a mile 
wide,) amidst all the confusion which raged in burning and 
sacking the town. We remained in the wagon more than 
an hour before our humane conquerors hunted us up, when 
we were again paraded and laid on the beach, preparatory 
to embarkation; but by the interposition of Ebenezer Led- 
yard, brother to Colonel Ledyard, who humanely represented 
our deplorable situation, and the impossibility of our being 
able to reach New York, thirty-five of us were paroled in 
the usual form. Being near the house of Ebenezer Avery, 
who was also one of our number, we were taken into it. 
Here we had not long remained before a marauding party 
set fire to every room, evidently intending to bum us up 



32' Battle of Groton Heights. 

with the house. The party soon left it, when it was with 
difficulty extinguished, and we were thus saved from the 
flames/ Ebenezer Ledyard again interfered, and obtained 
a sentinel to remain and guard us until the last of the en- 
emy embarked — about 1 1 o'clock at night. None of our 
own people came to us till near daylight the next morning, 
not knowing previous to that time that the enemy had 
departed. 

Such a night of distress and anguish was scarcely ever 
passed by mortal. Thirty-five of us were lying on the bare 
floor, stiff, mangled, and wounded in every manner, ex- 
hausted with pain, fatigue, and loss of blood, without 
clothes or any thing to cover us, trembling with cold and 
spasms of extreme anguish, without fire or light, parched 
with excruciating thirst, not a wound dressed, nor a soul to 
administer to one of our wants, nor an assisting hand to 
turn us during these long tedious hours of the night. 
Nothing but groans and unavailing sighs were heard, and 
two of our number did not live to see the light of the 
morning, which brought with it some ministering angels to 
our relief The first was in the person of Miss Fanny Led- 
yard, of Southold, L. I., then on a visit to her uncle, our 
murdered commander, who held to my lips a cup of warm 
chocolate, and soon after returned with wine and other re- 
freshments, which revived us a little. For these kindnesses 
she has never ceased to receive my most grateful thanks, 
and fervent prayers for her felicity. 

The cruelty of our enemy can not be conceived, and 
our renegade countrymen surpassed in this respect, if possi- 
ble, our British foes. We were at least an hour after the 
battle within a few steps of a pump in the garrison, well 
supplied with water, and, although we were suffering with 

•^ This is the second house on the right side of the main street, south 
of the ferry; it is now occupied by Simon Huntington, Esq. 



Narrative of Stephen Hempstead. 33 

thirst, they would not permit us to take one drop of it, nor 
give us any themselves. Some of our number, who were 
not disabled from going to the pump, were repulsed with 
the bayonet; and not one drop did I taste after the action 
commenced, although begging for it after I was wounded 
of all who came near me, until relieved by Miss Ledyard, 
We were a horrible sight at this time. Our own friends 
did not know us — even my own wife came in the room in 
search of me, and did not recognize me, and as I did not 
see her, she left the room to seek for me among the slain, 
who had been collected under a large elm tree near the 
house. It was with the utmost difficulty that many of 
them could be identified, and we were frequently called 
upon to assist their friends in distinguishing them, by re- 
membering particular wounds, &c. Being myself taken 
out by two men for this purpose, I met my wife and brother, 
who, after my wounds were dressed by Dr. Downer, from 
Preston, took me — not to my own home, for that was in 
ashes, as also every article of my property, furniture, and 
clothing — but to my brother's, where I lay eleven months 
as helpless as a child, and to this day feel the effects of it 
severely. 

Such was the battle of Groton Heights; and such, as 
far as my imperfect manner and language can describe, a 
part of the sufferings which we endured. Never, for a mo- 
ment, have I regretted the share I had in it. I would, for 
an equal degree of honor, and the prosperity which has re- 
sulted to my country from the Revolution, be willing, if 
possible, to suffer it again. 

STEPHEN HEMPSTEAD. 

6 



1 


M 


^^ 


M 



NARRATIVE 



OF 



JOHN HEMPSTEAD. 



I NOW Setdown to give a narrative of My proseding 
on the 6th Day of Sept., 1781. All tho itt is forty-eight 
years Sense the town of New London was Sack'd and 
Burnt By the British Solders under the command of that 
infamas trater Benedick Arnel, itt is formillyer as iff it was 
transacted yesterday. In the morning of the sd day I was 
att my house in bed between Brake of Day and Sunrise. 
I hard the Signel of arlarm by the fireing of thre Cannon, 
althow Our Signol was two cannon near to gether; they 
fir'd 3 to Deceve ; however I turn'd Out and ask'd my wife 
to git Brakefast as soon as possabel for I must go off. I 
went Down on the hill about half mild Distant, now caled 
prospect hill, Whare the fleet was in fare Site in a line 
acrost the haber. There was 15 Sale of Ships an other 
Square rig'd Vesels, besides other Vesels. I came home. 
My brakefast was redy. After Brakefast I Said to my Son 
John to take the team & go intown and Bring out his gran- 
mother Bill. My hors Being redy I Slung my Musket & 
Cartrig Box and mounted with my littel Black Boy to bring 
the hors Back. Expeting to find people att the alarum 
post at Manwaring hill. After I got Under Way my wife 
Called to me prety loud. I Stopt my hors and ask'd her 
What She wanted. Her answer was Not to let me hear 
that you are Shot in the Back. 



Narrative of John Hempstead. 35 

I proseded to the alarum post and found nobody thare. 
I rode down into the Strete, where my father formerly liv'd, 
and gave up my hors to my black Boy, and Started on a 
foot, which was on my way to my Lit Collon harris, but 
was overtaken by Capt. John Deshon and Capt. Mickel 
Malley. They asked mee to gitt up Behind One of thim 
& I Did, but I hav forgot which. We Sune got to Col, 
Haris, & I Saw him Standing on his Dore Stone. I Slipt 
of the hors & met the Colo half the way from his house to 
the highway with a Short willow Stick in his hand. My 
reply to him was what is the news Colo? he replid the En- 
emy are landing att Brown's farm. What is the order? his 
answer go Down & make the best Defence you Can with 
what men you Can gitt. I hope you will go with me. his 
answer I have Been Sencherd for not giving timely notis. 
You had Beter go with mee & So wee parted. I went 
Down to Brown's farm. I got there Sometime Before they 
landed & there was But about forty men arm'd. Wee 
watted while the enemy was maning there botes. After 
they ware all mand they Opend there bride Sides upon 
Both Shores, and all landed under ther Cannon whos balls 
flew over Our heads like hale Stones untill they ware all 
landed, itt was verry Still, there was One man Drest in 
Red Stud up in the Starn of One of the botes, with his 
Sword Drawn & Brandishing itt Over his head, & Said 
Pull a way, God Dam you, Pull away, which I thaught 
wass arnald. the men Sune landed and form'd a line from 
Lester' gut to the White Beach & the Enemy adVansed 
with a Slow march untill they got upon high Ground, & 
then they went quick from one wall to another, and wee 
Retreted Exchangen Shot every Opertunty. We Contin- 
ued untill wee Brought them within Cannon Shot of the 
fort On town hill, Vulgarly Called fort Nonsence. When 
the forte opened upon the Enemy the Shot fell Short, & 



36 Battle of Groton Heights. 

wee ware between two fires. Capt. Wm. Coit Spoke to 
me as he had no Commanding posision for God Sake Send 
or go to the fort to Stop the fireing. I told him to go him 
Self he Repld that he had no Command. I told him 
then go in my name, & he Went, & the fireing Seased. 
We Retreted, and Sune got near the fort att the house of 
Wm. Hempsted. he Called to mee and asked me iff I 
wolde take Sum jinn. I told him yes & thanky two. I 
went to his dore next the Street, & he had a Case of hol- 
land jinn, which was well Excepted. Wm. was hamest 
redy to march, as itt hapen'd Capt. Willam Coit, Capt. 
Richard Deshon, Capt. Jonathan Calkins, & Capt. Nathll 
Salstanstell, which I Hed not Sean before that day. We 
all Drank & Desperst, Wm. Hempsted and all. I spoke 
to Sd Hempsted if he was going to leave his Case of jin 
there; he Said itt was no matter whare it was, the Dogs 
will find itt. Come take hold of One handil, and wee 
Carre d itt west of his house, about Six rod, to a pease of 
patoes with high weads, & wee bent the weades over 
them & they never fownd the case of jin. And then wee 
Despers'd. While wee ware there I presev'd that the En- 
emy fil'd of from the left, as thoe there Intention was to 
Soround the fort, by this time there wass more peopel got 
there, & I spoke to them. Who will goe along with mee*? 
Mr. George Smith sd I will go. With that two more Said 
I will go with you, & wee went to the northwest over the 
hill, and we posted Our Selves In a Very advatagos place. 
We Soon Saw thee enemy Comming; wee Saw ther bag- 
nert above the corn advancing in a Ingan file. We before 
the Enemy made any Stand we a gread to Reserve our fire, 
they Said One and all lit Us fire. I told them I would re- 
serve my fire and wate for Orders. Very Will, the Enemy 
by this time had got up to a Stone wall about Six rods in 
Our frunt. this Wall was on Our lef hand. When they 



Narrative of John Hempstead. 37 

ware 12 or 15 in number I gave the word fire, it was no 
Suner Sad then Dun. the Enemy return'd the fire, but the 
men went to the foart as I supos'd. By this time perhaps 
25 men had Got in a huddel. I arose took Good ame. I 
Sea that they ware Confused. I took a cartrig out of my 
Box. But they Sune return'd the fire. But Before I could 
Load my pease two men with grene Cotes and long fethers 
gumt over the wall with ther peases upon Recover. I Re- 
membr what I thought. I can git as fur from the Wall 
as they ware. I run towarde the fort, that was about 30 
Rod Distant. I had got but about Six Rod from the wall. 
I look'd Over my Sholder when their Guns flasht, but hapy 
for mee one of thir balls Struck a potato hill, clos by my 
feet, and the other whistled by my hed. I Rember what 
I thaught that they ware not Very good marks men. 

I Repar'd to the fort and found nobody there. I found 
a quille' of Riging on the prade. I Rold itt under the 
platform & went Out of the Gates, & turned to the right 
into the Intrenchment, & as I was in the intrenchment the 
Enemy fired upon Mee & ther Shot scoward the Dich On 
both Sides of Mee. I got Round the corner & was Sum 
putoit^ to get up the dich however I got up & over in 
Esq. Millers Orchard, which was Very thick and ful of 
leaves. By this time the Enemy got into the fort & husard, 
and they were answerd By a man, " Wilkom God damyou 
to fort Non Sence." I look'd and Saw the man behind a 
tree. I got behind another & they gave us a shot in the 
orchard, but to no purpus. I mad the beste of my way 
touards town. I got near David holtes, Now John Coites, 
I heard Cannon On manworng hill. I made my way to 
the sd hill cross lots there. I found 2 feald peases, & Near 
a hundred men Olmost unarm'd. there I found Capt. Rich- 
ard Deshon & Wm. Ashcraft, which Stuck By the Stufi^ 

^ Coil of rigging. » Put to it. 



^S Battle of Qroton Hezghis. 

when as the Enemy advanced they all left us, But wee gave 
them two Shot, as the Enemy apeard in Sight the peaple 
all fled except Capt. Deshon & Wm. Ashcraft. I told 
Capt. Deshon we would not be kild with Our One wepens. 
I Sholderd a Sack of Cartridg's & Deshon the Ramer & 
Spunge Ladel, and put them under the Brig By Chapman 
house, & I put the Cartridges In Robart Manworings lott 
and Bent the tops of weds over them. I niver Sau Deshon 
after that for the day. After I hid the Cartrgs I went down 
the hill. I intended to git Behind Rich'd Chapmons Barn. 
I Rec'd a Volly of Shot I Judg'd about 2o. the Shot Cut 
thrugh the grass on Both Sid of me. I must Riturn back 
to manworing hill, before Wee left the hill I Spok to Wm. 
ashcraft to go to Chapmans house & get Sunthing to Spike 
up the Guns, & I Spoke Sumthing Starn to him, & he Stopt 
& said there will bee nobody har when I Com Back, yes 
I will be hear, hee went, my speaking Loud Sumbody 
Cald to me and Said, what Do you want, & I look'd & itt 
wass Coin Haris, whith I never see Sense morning with the 
same Stick, harris went into the house & brought Out the 
Shank of a Spike Gimblet, which answered no purpos. I 
riturn'd Behind Chapmans Barn. I went from the Barn 
toward the highway to a pare of Bars, & as I was Giting 
over the Bars, a musket Bal stuck into the lim of a apel 
tree that Brancht over the bars about two feet from my 
. head, then I made my way for home for this Reason, 
my father Died Latety, & his estate not Setled,' I had all 

^ In the Gazette of September 7th, the day following the battle, is the 
following notice : 

"All persons that are indebted to the estate of JOHN HEMPSTED, 
Esq., late of New London, decesd, by book or note, are once more called 
upon in the most pressing manner to settle the same, or they must not 
take it amiss if after this notice they should be called upon in a more 
disagreeable manner, which they may spedily expect (without respect of 
persons) should they neglect a compliance with this request. 
^ JOHN HEMPSTED, Executor. 

New London, Sept. 4th, 1781. 6— w 



Narrative of John Hempstead. qq 

his Books & papers att my house. But I Coold not Git 
horn no other way but to go round mr. Winthrops house, 
By being Sorround by the enemy. I had not got more 
then half the way to where magor Richards after Hv'd I 
Saw the Enemy on the top of mr. Winthrups house. I 
maid my way to qaker hill, & there I found I Should say 

5 hunderd men, sum arm'd & sum no amies, while I was 
there majer Darrow Come Riding Down, & Said to the 
men why the Devel dont yoo Go down & meet the Ene- 
my'? Picket Latimer sd as he was there that he would 
not Resk his life to Save other mens property, tho he was 
the Capt. of the Endependt Cumpany att that time. (Lat- 
imer was Burnt first.) I then mad the best of my Way 
hom & packt up my fathers papers & books & Carid them 
into the Swamp taking my Sun John & young James Smith 
With mee that they might find them if I didnot Come 
Back. I Eat my Dinner & Sett out agane to follow the 
Enemy, but passing Daniel Latimers, whare I supose thare 
was a hundred men, I past them and had gott 20 or Qo 
Rods By, Colo. Latimer Cauld to me to Cum back. I Re- 
pl'd I could not, I was In persute of the enemy, his Re- 
ply to me was, I Command You to com back, then I 
Stopt & Went back, he Detaned mee abot one J anower, 

6 Sent with me 2 other men, but whilst I was thare Capt. 
John mcCarty & David Robart Came Riding up to the 
Doare and Said Whare is that Dam'd tory, & they Rusht 
in to the house, & I Clost to there heels, they saing whare 
is that Damid Tory, they was stopt with the point of the 
baganet, by a Solder that stud as a gard Over Thos. Fitch, 
whih ware taken near Black point with a Drove of Sheep 
to Send to the Enemy. I Return. On my progres from 
Latimers I Shapt my Cours a cross lots, in Crossing Sam- 
uel Garners lot about forty or fifty Rod West of Robart 
Manworings house, I Come a Crost a man that was Shot 



40 Batth of Groton Heights. 

Throug the body with a musket ball. I had sum Descorse 
with him & found out who hee was. I found him to be 
What was Cauled & Refege. I left him & past on. 
before I got halv way from Where John Coits now lives 
& Col. Harris, I mett sum men Brengin Sam'el B. Hemp- 
sted in a blanket, he had a Shot throug his thi. I wint a 
littel further & I met Sum more men Brengin Jonathan 
whaly whih was wounde. the Enemy had Gott So far & 
so few to follow, I Riturnd back into the town, which was 
then all in ashes. I got to Mr. Shaws Stone house whih 
was on fire on the Ru£ this must Sarve for this Day, ex- 
epting I Returnd home & found nearly one hundred pe- 
ple woming & Children. The next Day I wint to groten, 
& when I got over the other Side there I saw Liet. Rich- 
ard Chapman, John Holt, & John Cleark, in a Bote Dead 
to bee Cared to New London. I went to the fort on Gro- 
ten hill to See the Carnag which was Dredfull to Behold, 
there was about twenty men lay Dead Side by Side, we 
found one man under the platfm Dead, & there ware a 
Great many of the enemy In the Ditch Round the Redout, 
which is before the Gate, how many I Cant tell, for they 
ware not taken out Whilst I was there. But the Enemy 
Intended to blow up the fort for they Stroed a train of 
powder from the gate to the magesean & itt burnt from 
the gate about half way to the magesean, and the Comun- 
ication was cut of by a mans fingers which lay in the durt. 
I Stay'd there until all most night & I went home, the 
3 Day I took my hors and Went to town hill, to fourt 
Nonsence, as itt Was Call'd, & as I was Seting on my 



hors looking into the fort, Mr. William Hempstead Called 
to mee. I asked him Watt he Wanted, his answer wass 
Cum & Drink Sum of Your Jin, & I wint to him. he 
Sase to me I have Got the Jin. the Dogs hav not found 



Narrative of John Hempstead. 41 

itt. through your means I Saved it. He said to me 
which way did you go when you left me. I told him that 
I was Jellos that the enemy was Going to Surround us & 
cut us of from the fort. I Saw them fiHng of from there 
left Wing, as tho that was thar Desine. I went over into 
Mr. Ways lot. I Saw them advans. I saw ther Byonets 
over the Growing Corn, & wee three in number lay In 
ambush in a very safe place, & the Enemy advancin in 
an Indian file, they advansed to a Stone Wall that Coverd 
our left hand. Wee lay conseald untill they Gethered; 
about a Dusen or fifteen had Colected. I Bid them to fire. 
I had agred before that I would Reserve my fire, they 
Ware about Six rod Distant from us. they Deschargd 
there peases & run to the fort, they returnd the fire by 
this time. I supose about twenty Colected. then I arose 
& Gave them a Shot & Run toward the fort. Hempsted, 
he sade, Did you Know you kild any of them. I Didnot 
carting.' well there Was two Kild, and wee went to See 
& It was as Evident as that there had been two hogs kild. 
By the blood & whare they Draged them away through a 
feald of potoes, & ther Sholders tore up the potatoes out of 
the hills. 



From the three Black marks on the other Side Back of 
this Was the Descorse that past Between Wm. Hempsted 
and myself on the 3d Day after. I had the command of 
a company of militia of forty men, & I never Saw but 
Seven of them that day, as they lived upon the Shore, and 
ther famely ware exposed to the ravagis of the Enemy. 

The Fore going is What I past throug the 6th Day of 

Septr., 1781. 

JOHN HEMPSTED. 

^ Certain. 



THE EXPERIENCE 



OF 



JONATHAN BROOKS, 

AT NEW LONDON ON THE 6TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781. 



Y father, who belonged to what was called the In- 
dependent Company in the militia, and was also a 
business man, rose at early dawn and walked down to the 
bank so called, which was the lookout for the harbor. 
There he saw the enemy's fleet at the mouth of the harbor, 
and quickly returned and took me down with him to see 
what was going on. The fleet had not then all anchored, 
but were dropping in by the westem point fast. He said, 
"they are going to land; go home, take the bridle and get 
the horse from the pasture as quickly as possible." I did 
so, and the horse was soon at the door, the pasture being 
about a mile and a half off. The horse was then loaded 
with a bed and some clothing and other valuables. My 
father then mounted and was gone about one hour and a 
half, and on returning said he had deposited his load and 
provided quarters for his family at a place he named, about 
two miles and a half distant. He then gave directions tliat 
my brothers Nathan, seven, and John, five years of age, 
should drive the cow to the rendezvous and remain there, 
and that my mother and sister should repair thither with all 
possible speed. 

He then armed and equipped himself, mounted his horse. 



Experience of Jonathan Brooks. 43 

taking me behind him to bring the horse back, teUing the 
family I should be left in charge of the house when I re- 
turned. There I was to await the arrival of the enemy in 
case they succeeded in carrying the fort and town, at the 
same time charging me to treat them civilly, and fumish 
them with whatever they called for that the house afforded 
— which at that time was well stocked with good things; 
that he himself should, in case he was not killed or badly 
wounded, and the enemy made good their landing and 
could not be defeated or stopped, retreat back to his prop- 
erty, which was in buildings and his all, and there make a 
stand and act according to circumstances. We rode by 
the fort gate on the lower road, meaning to go to the light- 
house by White Beach, but on coming to the beach it was 
found that the enemy's small craft were so near in that we 
could see the soldiers plainly, and hear them converse. The 
ships at this time kept up a heavy cannonade; we then left 
the shore and struck for the heights across the lots. Being 
unacquainted we came to a place that was miry, and veiy 
difficult for the horse to pass through; in short he stuck 
fast, and we then dismounted and got the horse out of the 
mire. Before we re-mounted, being but a little distance 
from where the horse mired, a shot passed through the 
thicket directly across where we stood to disentangle him, 
and cut off several saplings of the size of a man's wrist. 
Whether we were discovered by the ships and fired at or 
whether it was a chance shot I know not; at any rate it made 
us look around. We then made for the cross road that 
connects the upper and lower roads. At the head of the 
road we fell in with about one hundred citizens, volunteer 
soldiers armed and equipped. My father dismounted and 
joined them. The party then fell into conversation about 
how they should manage, having no commanding officer. 
Some who had no experience in war matters were for fight" 



44 Battle of Groton Heights. 

ing at any odds, saying, "let us form where we are and con- 
test the ground inch by inch;" but Captain Nathaniel Sal- 
tonstall, who once commanded the ship Putnam, said, 
"gentlemen, whether I have as much courage as many who 
have given their opinion, I shall not undertake to say; but 
this I will say, for one I will not be such a fool as to stand 
here open breasted and be shot down by the very first vol- 
ley of the enemy's fire." The enemy were at this time in 
sight marching in solid columns. At this juncture Colonel 
Harris rode up with his sword by his side. I can this in- 
stant — in imagination — see him. The band were all much 
elated at seeing him, saying, "now, colonel, we have some- 
body to command us, and are at your service." The colo- 
nel replied, "You must excuse me, gentlemen, as I have a 
violent sick-headache this morning, and can hardly sit on 
my horse," then tuming his horse and riding off. This con- 
duct of the colonel so enraged many of the people that 
they were almost like madmen, some cocking and present- 
ing their guns, which were loaded, exclaiming, "let's shoot 
t;he d — d rascal." The party now left to themselves, on 
the sober second thought hapened to hit upon Captain Sal- 
tonstall, to whom they now looked to command them, and 
asked him what they should do — there was no time for 
parley now. He said, "My advice is to divide ourselves 
into two parties, each taking the stone wall which is on each 
side of the road for our shelter; each man take care of him- 
self, and get a shot at the enemy as best he can." This 
course was taken, and Benedict Amold and his army of 
traitors (for they were almost all of them refugees) were 
much annoyed by them. My father now told me to retum 
home, put the horse in the barn, and await the arrival of 
himself or the enemy. I mounted and rode as far as Fort 
Nonsense, on Town Hill. Seeing quite a bustle there, and 
having some notion of seeing the fight, I hitched my horse 



Experience of Jonathan Brooks. 45 

to the wall, and mounted to the top of a very tall sycamore 
tree. I Stayed in the top of the tree until I saw the drag- 
ropes fixed to the field-pieces and manned for retreat. I 
then took myself down not very slow, and was off. Di- 
rectly afterd I fell in with a great booby of a boy whom I 
knew; he was crying; he said his horse had thrown him, 
and he wished to go to his Uncle Harris's, the colonel's, al- 
most opposite Fort Nonsense.' I said to him, Charles, if 
you go that way you may see trouble. He cried, and I 
assisted him to re-mount, and my horse soon cut dirt for 
for home. I was inquired of as I passed, and I told them 
the enemy had landed, and would be upon them in a twink- 
ling. There was motion and commotion then in good earn- 
est. I arrived safe home, put the horse in the barn accord- 
ing to orders, and then seated myself in a conspicuous place 
on the side of the street, waiting with anxiety to see the 
red coats enter Bradley Street. All was perfect silence, and 
there seemed to be a kind of solemnity reigning in the 
place.^ The silence was soon broken by the entrance of 
five or six shabby looking fellows into the street on the full 
run from the south. They passed me without notice, so in- 
tent were they probably on the prospect before them, for 
they shouted as they passed, "by G-d, we'll have fine plun- 
der by-and-by." Very soon I heard a great noise, and I 
mounted higher on the fence and looked in the direction 
that the noise proceeded from and saw the doors of a store- 
house^ open, which contained the goods of the prize ship 

•^ The house occupied at that time by Colonel Harris is still preserved, 
and known to the citizens of New London as the " Robinson House," 
now owned by Thomas Fitch, Esq. 

^ Bradley Street, at that time containing twelve to fifteen buildings, 
consisting mostly of humble dwellings, entirely escaped the conflagration. 

^ This store-house was situated on "the beach," (Water Street,) the 
second street below that in which Brooks had taken his stand of observa- 
tion. 



46 Battle of Groion Heights. 

Hannah, the invoice of which was £80,000 sterling. The 
goods were flying out of the store, and I should think thirty 
or forty persons were loading themselves with plunder and 
scampering off. 

I now heard the call of my mother, who I supposed had 
gone and left the house. She inquired where the horse 
was, and on being informed told me to get it and bring it 
to the door as quick as possible. I did so. She then 
brought a large sack, saying, "these are very valuable pa- 
pers of your father's, and you must take them out to your 
Uncle Richard's,'" (the place provided for the family to flee 
to.) I remonstrated, saying, "my father's orders were not 
to leave the house, and that I should lose the chance of 
seeing the Regulars" — for so the British troops were then 
called. But she urged me to go, saying, "go, my son, you 
can get back time enough to see them; I shall follow di- 
rectly after you." I did go, but I had not proceeded fifty 
rods before I heard the musketry going crack, crack, on the 
whole westerly side of the town. I, however, moved quickly 
on, and when I came to the head of the cove the street 
was so crowded with the fleeing women and children, all 
loaded with something, that I had to move slowly. They 
inquired where the enemy were. I said, "they will be 
among you within five minutes if you delay." Their load- 
ing was soon thrown down, and they started on a quick 
pace.^ I passed on, turning the corner toward Post Hill, 

^ I,ieutenant Richard Chapman, who fell that day in the defense of 
Fort Griswold. 

^ Miss Caulkins, in writing of the terrible consternation and alarm of 
this day, relates the following affecting incident : 

"Amid the bustle of these scenes, when each one was laden with what 
was nearest at hand or dearest to his heart, one man was seen hastening 
alone to the burial-ground, with a small coffin under his arm. His child 
had died the day before, and he could not leave it unburied. In haste 
and trepidation he threw up the mold, and deposited his precious burden ; 
then covering it quickly and setting up a stone to mark the place, he hur- 
ried away to secure other beloved ones from a more cruel spoiler." 



Experience of Jonathan Brooks. 47 

and when I turned die comer into the Cohanzy Road the 
bullets flew whisding over my head at no small rate; I just 
went clear and that was all, for the enemy were in posses- 
sion of Post Hill. I went with my bag of papers to the 
place directed, and went out and gathered peaches, for to 
return to town at this time was out of the question. In 
about one hour my mother arrived. She inquired of me 
where Nathan and John were. It will be recollected that 
they were sent with the cow in the morning. I told her I 
had not seen them. She appeared to be violently agitated 
and alarmed, and at length she said: "Get up the horse 
and look for them; go here, go there, go eveiy where" — all 
in a breath. I did go, and rode and rode, and retumed and 
reported no tidings of the boys, and off again, until at length 
I was almost wrought up into a frenzy myself I then made 
up my mind to cross over to Quaker Hill, on the Norwich 
road, and if I could not hear of them there, to enter the 
town at all hazards, for I conceived it possible that being 
unable to drive the cow where directed, for she was in her 
former pasture, that they were disheartened, and had returned 
to the house in town, and as the town was on fire, might, 
as I conceived, be burnt in the house. My God, how my 
heartstrings vibrated at this idea! Go ahead and save 
them, says I. With much difficulty I crossed over the lots 
— an unknown way to me — to the Norwich road, and made 
fruitless inquiries. 

The militia from Norwich and the adjacent country had 
arrived, commanded by a Colonel Rogers, I believe, and 
were ordered to halt on the hill. I, however, pushed on 
for the town, but was immediately stopped by a sentinel, 
who inquired where I was going. I replied, "into New 
London." He said, "you can not go, the enemy are there." 
I told him I must and should go, come what might. The 



^8 Battle of Groton Heights. 

soldier, seeing my determination, seized my bridle and lifted 
me off the horse and sent me to the colonel. The colonel 
told me that he was very busy, but that I must not go into 
town. He was then conversing with his officers about go- 
ing on a reconnoitering party to a projecting point of land 
that hung, as it were, over the town. As soon as the party 
were mounted I stepped up to the colonel and said, "Sir, 
will you please to let me go with you*?" He replied, "cer- 
tainly, my lad." I mounted my horse and followed along 
in the rear. When we came to the brink of the hill the 
party turned to the left into a private road that led to a farm, 
in order to gain the point of observation. At this time 
they were much engaged in conversation. Now's your 
time, says I to myself; go it, Jenny — for that was the name 
of the mare — and I put on the string. ] entered the north 
end of the town, passed into Main Street about twenty rods, 
when the heat and smoke of the burning buildings was 
such that I could not urge the mare on. I, however, re- 
treated back about twenty rods, put on the whip, and she 
went through. I had just cleared the burning district at 
that point, when there was a store, containing a large quan- 
tity of gunpowder, blew up, which filled the air with smoke 
and fragments, which fell around me in every direction. I, 
however, jogged on unharmed, passed into Bradley Street, 
where my father's principal buildings were, none of which 
were burnt, and I satisfied myself that there was no one in 
the house we occupied. I saw a heavy fire raging on the 
parade, which was the Court House, Jail, Episcopal Church, 
&c. I, of course, could not pass that way, and, indeed, the 
smoke was so dense — there being but little wind — no ob- 
ject whatever could be discovered. I retraced my steps, 
passed again into Main Street, turned the comer to the right 
into State Street. No object at this point was discernable on 



Experience of Jonathan Brooks. 49 

the parade, owing to the density of the smoke. I rode on 
till opposite the printing office of Timothy Green, Esq., 
where in the street flat on his back lay a drunken British 
soldier with his gun bayoneted lying beside him. This, I 
thought, was a good prize, so I slipped softly off of the horse 
and seized the gun. His cartridge-box and bayonet-sheath 
were slung to him, and I did not attempt to meddle with 
them for fear of waking him. I made several attempts in 
various ways to mount with the gun, but could not succeed, 
and so I threw it over the fence and left him, thinking I 
would let well enough alone. 

I now passed out of town to Rockdale Place, where my 
Grandfather Chapman lived, and still no news of my 
brothers. 

After leaving Rockdale I fell in with Colonel Latimer 
and a flock of old tories, whose names I could mention if 
so disposed. To Colonel Latimer I told the place and sit- 
uation of the British soldier, which he said he would have 
attended to. The soldier was found and detained a pris- 
oner — not. however, by the colonel's means. I was disa- 
pointed in not finding my father at the house as he had 
appointed, and concluded that he was either killed, wound- 
ed, or a prisoner; but he was neither. At the time I was 
in the house he, with a few more inhabitants that were in 
town, were engaged in the smoke on the parade trying to 
arrest the progress of the lire, and stop it from passing into 
Bradley Street, which they succeeded in doing, and saved 
that part of the town. 

Thus you may understand that I passed through the 
principal streets of New London on the afternoon of the 
6th of September, 1781, and never saw a single living crea- 
ture, except one singed cat, that ran across the street when 
the store blew up; the soldier was not living, certainly, for 



50 Battle of Groton Heights. 

he was dead drunk. I was the first person that entered the 
town after the retreat of the enemy, and from circumstances 
must have been directly at their heels. My uncle, Rich- 
ard Chapman, Heutenant under Captain Adam Shaply, at 
Fort Trumbull, was killed in the massacre at Fort Gris- 
wold, on the heights opposite New London, on that disas- 
trous day. 

JONATHAN BROOKS, 
Post Hill, 1840. 




A NARRATIVE 



OF THE 



Battle on Groton Heights, 



SEPTEMBER 6TH, 1781, 

BY 

AVERY DOWNER, M. D., 

ASSISTANT SURGEON OF THE EIGHTH REGIMENT OF 
CONNECTICUT MILITIA. 

ON the morning of the 6th of September, 1781, a Brit- 
ish fleet of twenty-four sail was discovered entering 
the harbor of New London. Arnold, the commander, be- 
ing a native of Norwich, and well acquainted with the 
river and harbor, which was of much service to him, and 
also many tories and traitors of equal infamy with himself 
accompanied him, which is evidence that traitors indulge 
more revenge than a common enemy. 

I performed militia military duty as rank and file, by de- 
tachment from my company and regiment at Fort Griswold, 
a number of times during the summer of 1779. In 1781 
I served as an assistant surgeon of the 8th regiment of Con- 
necticut militia, including Fort Griswold in its limits I 
well remember the morning of the alarm two guns from 
the fort in a given time was the alarm. This the enemy 
well understood, and they fired a third, by which we in 
Preston were deceived, being fourteen miles distant. Doc- 
tor Joshua Downer, my father, and surgeon of the said 8th 
regiment, said to me and others in the morning that the 



52 Battle of Groton Heights. 

firing must be an alarm; but it was doubted, until the 
smoke of New London appeared like a cloud, which I 
well remember. My father immediately started for the fort 
and ordered me to follow him. 

On his arrival near the meeting-house he met Benjamin 
Bill and others who had escaped from the enemy slightly 
wounded. He dressed their wounds, and proceeded to the 
house of James Bailey, where he found Charles Eldridge 
wounded in the knee. He dressed him and proceeded, by 
orders from the field officers of his regiment, to the house 
of Ebenezer Avery. The surviving British commander, 
Bloomfield, had ordered all the wounded to be collected on 
the bank of the river near the house. All that were able 
to go to New York were sent down to the shipping; the 
remainder were paroled and left. 

Soon after the enemy were gone my father and Doctor 
Prentiss went into the house and took charge of forty 
wounded men. I got to their assistance at about twelve 
o'clk at night. Captain Youngs Ledyard and one more 
died before morning. By daylight all were taken care of, 
and we with others went into the fort. When we came to 
Colonel Ledyard, the friend and neighbor of Doctor Pren- 
tiss, he exclaimed, "Oh my God, I can not endure this!" 

Our dead were by the enemy mostly left on the parade 
in front of the barracks; their dead they buried in the 
ditch, of a triangular work, made to cover the gate. Ma- 
jor Montgomery they buried on the right of the gate as 
we pass out, which I well remember. According to Ar- 
nold's dispatches to His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, 
dated Plum Island, September 8th, 1781, it appears that 
the forces which he sent on the Groton side of the river 
consisted of the 40th and 54th British regiments, and the 
3d battalion of New Jersey volunteers, with a detachment 
of Yaggers and artillery, all under the command of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Eyre. 



Narrative of Avery Downer. 53 

Arnold landed his division on the New London side of 
the river, and was informed by friends that Fort Griswold 
contained only about twenty or thirty men. In this his 
good friends deceived him, for in his dispatches he says 
that the defence was so obstinate that he sent an officer to 
countermand his order for assault just as the fort was carried. 
Fort Trumbull on the New London side of the river was 
little more than a water battery open from behind, and the 
enemy coming in that direction the men spiked their guns 
and crossed the river and went into Fort Griswold, 

On the approach of the British the commander sent a 
Captain Beckwith, a Jersey refugee, to demand a surrender 
of the fort. Colonel Ledyard ordered a shot fired in front, 
which stopped the flag. He then sent Captain Amos Stan- 
ton and Captain Shapley with his flag; the demand of 
Beckwith was refused and the flags returned. 

Eyre and Montgomery then advanced their columns, 
and the attack commenced on three sides of the fort at the 
same time. 

In about forty minutes the assailants entered the fort. 
According to Arnold's dispatches, before referred to, as pub- 
lished in Green's paper of New London, (^Connecticut Ga- 
zette^) it appears that his loss was — 

KILLED. WOUNDED. 

1 Major, 1 Lieutenant-Colonel, 

1 Captain, 3 Captains, 

2 Sergeants, 2 Lieutenants, 
44 Rank and File. 2 Ensigns, 
Since died of wounds, 3 Sergeants, 

1 Captain, 2 Drummers, 

1 Lieutenant, 127 Rank and File. 

1 Ensign. 

Total killed and died of wounds, 51. Total wounded, 
deducting three since died of wounds, 137. 

The American loss was killed, 84; wounded, 40. 



^^ Battle of Groton Heights. 

Stephen Hempsted, one of the wounded survivors of 
the action, went to the state of Missouri, near St. Louis, in 
1811. He pubHshed there a narrative of the battle on 
Groton Heights — correct in some things and very incorrect 
in others — and particularly so in the case of Colonel Na- 
than Gallup. In his narrative he says: "But a militia colo- 
nel was in the fort, and promised Colonel Ledyard that if 
he would hold out he would reinforce him in fifteen min- 
utes with two or three hundred men. Colonel Ledyard 
agreed to send back a defiance upon the most solemn as- 
surance of immediate succour. For this purpose Colonel 

started, his men being then in sight; but he was 

no more seen, nor did he even attempt a diversion in our 
favor." Almost every person knew that Colonel Nathan 
Gallup was meant. He was at that time lieutenant-colonel 
of the 8th regiment of Connecticut Militia. 

The true facts in the case are these. Colonel Ben Adam 
Gallup was in the fort previous to the action. Colonel 
Ledyard requested him to go back as far as Captain Bel- 
ton's and urge on the men, but before he had time to return 
the enemy were so near that he could not re-enter the fort. 

In 1782 Colonel McClallen, of Woodstock, was com- 
mander of New London harbor. At that time a court- 
martial was held for the trial of officers. Colonel Nathan 
Gallup came before said court as a prisoner, under six spe- 
cific charges, from the whole of which he acquitted with 
honor and his certificate of acquittal signed by all the offi- 
cers of the court, viz. the following: 

Roger Newberry, of Hartford County, President. 
Hezekiah Bissel, of Windham, Judge Advocate. 
Joshua Downer, Surgeon. 
Avery Downer, Assistant Surgeon. 
Medical staff of said 8th regiment of Connecticut Militia. 



Narrative of Avery Downer. ^^ 

When I look over the names inscribed on the tablets of 
the monument erected as a memorial of their heroism, lan- 
guage fails me to express my feelings. With many of 
them I was well acquainted, particularly with Captain 
Amos Staunton and his lieutenant, Henry Williams, both 
natives of Groton, and at that time home on furloughs from 
the army. 

They went into the conflict as volunteers, left their wives 
and children and every thing near and dear to them, in de- 
fending the rights of their country. Can we and shall we, 
their descendants, pass over the memory of such patriotic 
men, and their invincible courage and fortitude be forgotten? 
No; let their heroism and valor be engraved on the tablets 
of our hearts and all that may follow us, and endure as long 
as the sun and the moon shall light the day and the night. 

This narrative is this day finished with my own hand. 
I am 88 years and 5 months old. 

AVERY DOWNER. 

Preston, April 17th, 1851. 





FROM 
RIVINGTON'S ROYAL GAZETTE, 

(new YORK.) 

ON Thursday morning, the 6th inst, the fleet arrived 
off New London harbor, where a part of the brave 
though Httle army were sent to Groton, opposite New Lon- 
don, under command of Colonel Ayre, of the 40th regi- 
ment, to take possession of Fort Cressel, which commanded 
not only the entrance of New London harbour, but the 
mouth of the river Thames leading to Norwich. On the 
appearance of the fleet five or six privateers lying in New 
London harbour availed themselves of their oars and went 
up said river; but before the rebels had an opportunity of 
getting their valuable vessels out, General Arnold made it 
necessary for them to look out for their personal safety. In 
the meantime Colonel Ayre, with the detachment under 
his command, landed within three miles of Fort Cressel, 
and marched up with the spirit peculiar to the British na- 
tion; and though the country was so very rocky as to ren- 
der it impossible for their artillery and howitzers to be 
brought to co-operate with them, their thirst for glory was 
such that as soon as they came to the skirt of a wood within 
about a mile of the fort,' they sent an officer with a flag de- 

^ The British head-quarters that day were at the " Old Avery House " 
— now demolished — situated about three-quarters of a mile south-east of 
the fort, on the road running through the woods from Groton to Po- 
quonoc. Here the soldiers gratified their love of mischief by wantonly 
destroying the summer's dairy, breaking the furniture, throwing the old 
clock out through the window, and badly frightening, by threats of ab- 
duction, a young mother left with her infant alone in the house. 



From Rivington s Gazette. 57 

manding an immediate surrender, with a threat that if the 
demand was not comphed with, it would be stormed five 
minutes after the return of the flag. 

The officer who carried it advanced to a httle eminence 
before the fort, and was met by an officer from it, who re- 
quested to know his errand, his rank, &c.; but being told 
that his business was with the commanding officer of the 
fort, he returned. After a considerable time on that spot 
the GREAT COMMANDER appeared, accompanied by 
another officer; the former having asked the gentleman 
who demanded the surrender his rank, and being satisfied 
that he was a captain in the British service, desired him to 
talk with and make his demand known to the captain who 
accompanied him, that he was of equal rank, and that for 
his "own part he was Colonel Ledyard, commanding officer 
of the fort." 

The doughty rebel captain, being informed of the de- 
mand, told the officer that Colonel Ledyard had determined, 
as the fort was well garrisoned, and in every respect in a 
proper state of defence, he was under no apprehension of 
bad consequences, and would defend the fort to the last 
extremity. 

The detention of the flag had tired the patience of not 
only Colonel Ayre, but of every officer and private centinel 
under his command, and on its return the order was given 
for an immediate storm, which was immediately put in ex- 
ecution. When the troops entered there was before the 
fort (which was regularly built with stone, mounting on the 
upper battery three, and on the lower eight pieces of can- 
non, with bastions at each corner, with guns to reach each 
curtain line,) a chevaux-de-frize, and a ditch of seven feet 
in depth on each square, with stockades on the sides next 
the fort. When the troops got into the ditch the rebels 



9 



58 Battle of Groton Heights. 

struck the flag and ceased firing/ until they pulled out 
some ot the stakes and mounted on the range, when the 
rebels began to play their guns fi^om the bastions, and at- 
tempted to defend their ramparts, but the valor of our 
troops prevailed, and the rebels fled into the casemates of 
the fortress, and some of them fired through the loop-holes; 
but the doors being burst open they were compelled to beg 
mercy, which being the darling attribute of Britons even 
to a fault, they spared the catifFs. It is said the number of 
men in Fort Cressel was 250 ; forty of them being wounded 
were admitted to their parole, about 70 were sent prisoners 
on board the fleet, and the residue reaped the BLESSED 
fruits of their obstinacy/ In the town of Groton the 
wounded, with the women and children, were put in two 
houses used as hospitals, and the town, together with two 
magazines, intirely demolished. At New London the mag- 
azines, the town, and all the shipping in the harbour, were 
instantly reduced to ashes, but the number of killed, 
wounded, and prisoners taken, we have not yet been able 
to learn. 

The breast of every honest loyalist can not help emo- 
tions of joy on finding that the most detestable nest of pi- 
rates on the continent have at last (the measure of their in- 
iquity being full) attracted the notice of his Excellency 
the commander-in-chief The quantity of European and 

^ This incident is referred to in no other account, and is, without 
doubt, untrue. Had such been the fact Arnold would not have allowed 
to pass unnoticed a circumstance in which there would have been so 
much palliation for the massacre which followed. 

^ This malignant report was, without doubt, furnished by Captain 
Beckwith, who was the officer sent to demand the surrender. He ac- 
companied Lord Dalrymple as bearer of dispatches from Arnold to Sir 
Henry Clinton, and arrived in New York some time before the remain- 
der of the expedition, or any person who could have given so detailed 
an account in time to publish so soon after the battle. 



From Rivingtoris Gazette. 59 

West India goods in New London were immense. All 
their store-houses being full several cargoes were deposited 
in bams. It was, in fact, the magazine of America, and 
the blow now given will effect the sensitive nerves of every 
staunch rebel on the continent. Before the troops left the 
forts at New London, and Fort Cressel at Groton, they beat 
off the trunions of the cannon and spiked them up. 




BRIGADIER-GENERAL ARNOLD'S REPORT 



TO 



SIR HENRY CLINTON 



Plum Island, Sept. 8th, 1781. 

SIR: I have the honor to inform your Excellency that 
the transports with the detatchment of troops under my 
orders, anchored on the Long Island shore on the 5th inst., 
at 2 P. M., about ten leagues from New London, and hav- 
ing made some necessary arrangements, weighed anchor at 
7 P. M., and stood for New London with a fair wind. At 
one o'clk the next morning we arrived off the harbor, when 
the wind suddenly shifted to the northward, and it was 9 
o'clk before the transports could beat in. 

At 10 o'clk the troops, in two divisions and in four de- 
barkations, were landed, one on each side of the harbor, 
about three miles from New London, that on the Groton 
side consisting of the 40th and 54th regiments, and the 3d 
battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, with a detachment 
of Yaggers and artillery, were under command of Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Eyre. 

The division on the New London side consisted of the 
38th regiment,' the Loyal Americans,'' the American Legion 

^ This was Sir Robert Pigot's regiment, but it is not known whether 
he was with the expedition. The uniform was red faced with yellow. — 
Caulkms. 

^ Colonel Beverly Robinson's regiment. 



Brigadier-General Arnold's Report. 6l 

Refugees, and a detachment of 60 Yaggers,' who were 
immediately, on their landing, put in motion, and at 11 
o'clock, being within half a mile of Fort Trumbull, which 
commands New London harbor, I detatched Captain Millet 
with four companies of the 38th regiment to attack the 
fort, who was joined on his march by Captain Frink with 
one company of the American Legion. At the same time 
I advanced with the remainder of the division west of Fort 
Trumbull, on the road to the town to attack a redoubt 
which had kept up a brisk fire on us for some time, but 
which the enemy evacuated on our approach. In this 
work we found 6 pieces of cannon mounted and 2 dis- 
mounted. Soon after I had the pleasure to see Captain 
Millet march into Fort Trumbull under a shower of grape- 
shot from a number of cannon which the enemy had turned 
upon him; and I have the pleasure to inform your Excel- 
lency that by the sudden attack and determined bravery of 
the troops the fort was carried with the loss of 4 or 5 men 
killed and wounded. Captain Millet had orders to leave 
one company in Fort Trumbull, to detatch one to the re- 
doubt we had taken, and to join me with the other two 
companies. 

No time on my part was lost in gaining the town of 
New London. We were opposed by a small body of the 
enemy with one field-piece, who were so hard pressed that 
they were obliged to leave the piece, which being iron was 
spiked and left.'' 

As soon as the enemy was alarmed in the morning we 

^ Hessian Light Infantry. They wore a dark green uniform with 
bright red trimmings. — Caulkins. 

^ This gun was a six-pounder, situated on Manwaring's Hill, and was 
used for the purpose of firing salutes j but on this occasion three or four 
resolute persons discharged it upon the enemy as they came down Town 
Hill, and then fled. — Caulkins. 



62 Battle of Groton Heights. 

could perceive that they were very busily employed in 
bending sails, and endeavouring to get their privateers and 
other ships into Norwich River out of our reach; but the 
wind being small and the tide against them they were 
obliged to anchor again. From information I received be- 
fore and after landing I had reason to believe that Fort 
Griswold, on Groton side, was very incomplete; and I was 
assured, (by friends to government,') after my landing, that 
there were only 20 or 30 men in the fort, the inhabitants in 
general being on board their ships, and busy in saving their 
property. On taking possesion of Fort Trumbull I found 
the enemy's ships would escape unless we could possess our- 
selves of Fort Griswold; I therefore dispatched an officer 
to Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre with the intelligence I had re- 
ceived, and requested him to make an attack upon the fort 
as soon as possible, at which time I expected the howitzer 
was up, and would have been made use of On my gain- 
ing a height of ground in the rear of New London, from 
which I had a good prospect of Fort Griswold,^ I found it 
much more formidable than I expected, or than I had 
formed an idea' of, from the information I had before re- 
ceived. I observed at the same time that the men who 
had escaped from Fort Trumbull had crossed the river in 
boats and had thrown themselves into Fort Griswold; and 
a favorable wind springing up about this time, the enemy's 
ships were escaping up the river, notwithstanding the fire 

^ Arnold dined that day at the house of his friend, James Tilley, on 
Bank Street ; but the hospitality of the latter did not prevent the destruc- 
tion of his buildings. Before they arose from the table the roof over 
their heads was in flames, though, we must suppose, from accidental ig- 
nition or misapprehension of orders, as Tilley is said to have been well 
known as a "friend to government." 

^ The old burial-ground. It is said by old citizens that Arnold's point 
of observation was the Winthrop tomb, whence he directed the move- 
ments of his soldiers in the destruction of the town. 



Brigadier-General Arnold' s Report. 63 

from Fort Trumbull and a 6 pounder which I had with 
me. I immediately dispatched a boat with an officer to 
Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre to countermand my first order to 
attack the fort, but the officer arrived a few minutes too 
late. Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre had sent Captain Beck with 
to demand the surrender of the fort, which was perempto- 
rily refused, and the attack had commenced. After a most 
obstinate defence of near forty minutes the fort was carried 
by the superior bravery and perseverance of the battalions. 
The attack was judicious and spirited, and reflects the high- 
est honor on the officers and troops engaged, who seemed 
to vie with each other in being first in danger. 

The troops approached on three sides of the work, which 
was a square with flankers, made a lodgement in the ditch, 
and under a heavy fire which they kept up on the works 
effected a second lodgement upon the fraizing, which was 
attended with great difficulty, as only a few pickets could 
be forced out or broken in a place, and was so high that 
the soldiers could not ascend without assisting each other. 
Here the coolness and bravery of the troops was very con- 
spicuous, as the first who ascended the fraize were obliged 
to silence a nine-pounder, which infiladed the place upon 
which they stood until a sufficient body had collected to 
enter the works, which was done with fixed bayonets 
through the embrasures, where they were opposed with 
great obstinacy by the garrison with long spears.' On this 
occasion I have to regret the loss of Major Montgomery, 
who was killed by a spear on entering the enemy's works ;^ 
also of Ensign Willock, of the 40th, who was killed in 
the attack. Three other officers of the same regiment were 
also wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre' and three other 

^ Probably boarding-pikes, used on board naval vessels in close combat. 
^ Montgomery was killed by a powerful negro named Jordan Freeman. 
^ Colonel Eyre is reported to have subsequently died on board the fleet. 



64 Battle of Groton Heights. 

officers of the 54th regiment were also wounded, but I have 
the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that they are all 
in a fair way to recover. Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, who 
behaved with great gallantry, having received his wound 
near the works, and Major Montgomery being killed imme- 
diately after, the command devolved on Major Bromfield, 
whose behaviour on this occasion does him great honor. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Buskirk, with the New Jersey Volun- 
teers and artillery, being the second debarkation, came up 
soon after the works were carried, having been retarded by 
the roughness of the country. I am much obliged to this 
gentleman for his exertions, although the artillery did not 
arrive in time. 

I have annexed a Return of the killed and wounded, by 
which your Excellency will observe that our loss, though 
vejy considerable, is very short of the Enemy's, who lost 
most of their officers, among whom was their commander. 
Colonel Ledyard. Eighty-five men were found dead in 
Fort Griswold, and sixty wounded, most of them mortally. 
Their loss on the opposite side must have been considerable, 
but can not be ascertained. I believe we have about 70 
prisoners besides the wounded who were paroled. Ten or 
twelve of the Enemy's ships were burned, among them 
three or four armed vessels, and one loaded with Naval 
Stores. An immense quantity of European and West In- 
dia Goods were found in the stores; among the former the 
cargo of the Hannah, Captain Watson, from London, lately 
captured by the Enemy, the whole of which was bumt with 
the stores, which proved to contain a large Quantity of 
Powder unknown to us. The explosion of the Pow^der 
and change of wind soon after the stores were fired com- 
municated the flames to that part of the Town, which was, 
notwithstanding every effort to prevent it, unfortunately de- 



Brigadier-General ArnoW s Report. 65 

stroyed.' Upwards of 50 pieces of Iron Cannon were de- 
stroyed in the different Works, (ejfclusive of the Guns of 
the Ships,) a particular return of which I can not do myself 
the Honor to transmit to your Excellency at this time. 

A very considerable Magazine of Powder, and Barracks 
to contain 300 men, were found in Fort Griswold, which 
Captain Lemoine, of the Royal Artilleiy, had my positive 
directions to destroy. An attempt was made by him, but 
unfortunately failed. He had my orders to make a second 
attempt. The reason why it was not done Captain Le- 
moine will have the honor to explain to your Excellency.'' 
I should be wanting injustice to the gentlemen of the Navy 
did I omit to acknowledge that on this expedition I have 
received every possible aid from them. Captain Beazly 
has made every exertion to assist our operations, and not 
only gave up his cabin to the sick and wounded officers, 
but furnished them with every assistance and refreshment 

^ There is the greatest absurdity in this part of the narrative, for in 
many instances where houses were situated at a great distance from any 
stores, and contained nothing but household furniture, they were set on 
fire, notwithstanding the earnest cries and entreaties of the women and 
children in them, who were threatened with being burnt up in their 
houses if they did not instantly leave them. Indeed two houses were 
bought off for ten pounds each after an officer, who appeared to be a cap- 
tain, had ordered them fired, which was the sum proposed by the officer, 
upon condition, however, that he should not be made known; and where 
the houses were not burnt they were chiefly plundered of all that could 
be carried oft". At the Harbor's Mouth the houses of poor fishermen 
were stripped of their furniture of every kind, the poor people having 
nothing left but the clothes they had on. — Connecticut Gazette, Septem- 
ber 21st, 1781. 
********* 

^ Extract from General Orders of the z^th of September, 1781. — 
The commander-in-chief informs the army that Captain Lemoine, of the 
Royal Artillery, has explained to his satisfaction the reasons that pre- 
vented his carrying into execution the orders of Brigadier-General Ar- 
nold on the 6th of September, 1781. Clinton. 
10 



66 Battle of Groton Heights. 

his ship afforded. Lord Dalrymple will have the honour to 
deliver my dispatches. I beg leave to refer your Excel- 
lency to his Lordship for the particulars of our operations 
on the New London side. I feel myself under great obli- 
gations to him for his exertions upon the occasion. Cap- 
tain Beckwith, who was extremely serviceable to me, re- 
turns with his Lordship. His spirited conduct in the attack 
of Fort Griswold does him great honor, being one of the 
first officers who entered the work. I beg leave to refer 
your Excellency to him for the particulars of our operations 
on that side, and to say I have the highest opinion of his 
abilities as an officer. I am greatly indebted to Captain 
Stapleton (who acted as Major of Brigade) for his spirited 
conduct and assistance; in particular on the attack on Fort 
Trumbull, and his endeavour to prevent plundering,' (when 
the public stores were burnt,) and the destruction of private 
buildings. The officers and troops in general behaved with 
the greatest intrepidity and firmness. I have the honor to 
be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's most obedi- 
ent and most humble servt., B. ARNOLD. 



RETURN OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. 

1 Major, 1 Ensign, 2 Sergeants, and 44 Rank and File, 
killed; i Lieutenant-Colonel, 3 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, 2 
Ensigns, 8 Sergeants, 2 Drummers, and 127 Rank and File, 
wounded. Of the wounded officers 1 Captain, 1 Lieuten- 
ant, and 1 Ensign, are since dead. 

JOHN STAPLETON, 
Captain and Acting Major of Brigade. 



^ It was afterwards well understood that most of the spoil and havoc 
in private houses was the work of a few worthless vagrants of the town, 
who prowled in the wake of the invader, hoping, in the general confu- 
sion, not to be detected. — Caulkins. 



Brigadier-General ArnoW s Report. 67 

RETURN OF ORDNANCE, AMMUNITION, &C., 

Taken this day in Fort Griswold and its dependencies, by 
a detatchment of His Majesty's troops under the command 
of Brigadier-General Arnold, on an expedition to Connecti- 
cut, viz., in Fort Griswold: 



ORDNANCE MOUNTED ON CARRIAGES. 

Garrison 18 pounders, 1 12 pounders, 14 

9 " 26" 1 

4 " 13" J 

Travelling 12 " 14" 2 

Total, 23 
In the FlechC; 6 pounders, 1 



ORDNANCE MOUNTED ON TRAVELLING CARRIAGES. 

4 pounders, 3 12 pounders, 2 

6 " 4 — 

Total, 9 

Total of Iron Ordnance, 35 

Pikes, 80 Musquets, French, 106 



18 pounders, 

9 " 
4 " 



GRAPE, STANDS OF. 

18 pounders, 230 12 pounders, 340 

9 " 75 6 " 70 

4 " 90 3 " 75 



ROUND 


SHOT. 




1680 


12 pounders, 


2100 


290 


6 " 


100 


200 


3 " 


40 



68 Battle of Groton Heights. 

CARTRIDGES PAPER FILLED. 

18 pounders, 12 12 pounders, 23 9 pounders, 8 

6 " 44" 14 3 " 6 

Musket Cartridges, 10,000. 

Powder corned, 150 wt. 

1 Garrison Spare carriage, 12 pounder. 

1 Gyn Triangle compleat; Stores for the Laboratory, &c., 

&c., &c. 

J. LEMOINE, 

Captain of Artillery. 



BETSEY, SLOOP, NEW LONDON HARBOUR, 6tH SEPT., I781. 

Return of ordnance found and spiked by a detatchment 
of the army under the command of Brigadier-General Ar- 
nold, on the New London side, 6th Sept., 1781: 
Iron 18 pounders mounted in Fort Trumbull, 12 

Iron 6 pounders mounted in Fort Trumbull, 3 

Iron 12 or 9 pounders mounted at Fort Folly,' • 6 

Iron 12 or 9 pounders dismounted, 2 

Iron 12 pounders on the road to New London, 1 

24 
A Quantity of ammunition and stores of different kinds 
were destroyed in the Magazine at Fort Trumbull, and the 
Meeting House at New London. 

WILLIAM H. HORNDON, 
First "Lieutenant Regiment Royal Artillery. 

' This was known to the Americans by the kindred name of Fort Non- 
sense. It occupied the extreme height of Town Hill, where now stands 
the residence of F. M. Hale, Esq. When the excavation was being 
made for the cellar, several relics of its revolutionary history in the shape 
of round and grape shot, deeply eaten by rust, were exhumed. 



LIEUTENANT-COLONEL UPHAM 



TO 



GOVERNOR FRANKLIN,' OF NEW JERSEY, 



DATED SEPTEMBER 13TH, 1781. 



IMMEDIATELY on receipt of yours by Capt. Camp I 
made every preparation consistent with the necessary se- 
cresy to furnish as many Refugees for the proposed expedi- 
tion as could be spared from the garrison. 

My first care was to put a supply of provisions on board 
the vessels. I talked of an expedition, and proposed to go 
myself, nor could I do more until the fleet appeared in 
sight. Major Hubbil was too unwell to go with me; I 
therefore left him to take charge of the fort, and with as 
much dispatch as possible embarked one hundred Loyalists, 
exclusive of a sufficient number of men to man the two 
armed sloops. With these we joined the fle^t in season to 
prevent the least delay. 

By the enclosed arrangement you see we had the honor 
to be included in the first division, and I have the pleasure 
to add we were the first on shore. 

We advanced on the right of the whole to a height at 
a small distance from the shore, where we were ordered to 

^ This worthy had recently returned from his rural quarters in Litchfield 
jail, where he, with Mayor Mathews, of New York, was confined, in 
1776, by the committee "for inquiring into and detecting conspiracies." 
— Hollister. 



70 Battle of Groton Heights. 

cover the 38th regiment from a wood on our right until the 
second division came up. 

We were then ordered to change our position from the 
right to the left at the distance of two hundred yards from 
the main body. 

This alteration derived its propriety from the circum- 
stance of the rebels having gone over to the left, from an 
apprehension of being top much crowded between our 
troops and the river on their left. Thus arranged we pro- 
ceeded to the town of New London, constantly skirmishing 
with rebels, who fled from hill to hill, and from stone fences 
which intersected the country at small distances." Having 
reached the southerly part of the town the general requested 
me to take possession of the hill north of the meeting-house, 
where the rebels had collected, and which they seemed re- 
solved to hold. We made a circle to the left, and soon 
gained the ground in contest. 

Here we had one man killed and one wounded. This 
height being the outpost was left to us and the Yagers. 
Here we remained, exposed to a constant fire from the 
rebels on the neighboring hills and from the fort on the 
Groton side, until the last was carried by the British troops. 
We took the same route in our return as in going up, 
equally exposed, though not so much annoyed. Every 
thing required was cheerfully undertaken, and spiritedly 
effected by the party I had the honor to command. 

A small party from Vanalstine's Post joined us, which in- 
creased my command to 120. They landed and returned 

^ Colonel Upham's command defiled through Cape Ann Street and 
Lewis Lane, and set fire to the house of Pickett Latimer, on the old Col- 
chester road, now Vauxhall Street. — Caulkins. This was the first build- 
ing destroyed; in it were the goods of the inhabitants, who removed 
them to it from the central portion of the town, as being a place of greater 
safety. 



Lieut. -Col. Upham to Governor Franklin. 71 

with us, and behaved exceedingly well. The Armed Ves- 
sels Association and Colonel Martin went close into the 
shore, and covered the landing on the New London side. 
At the request of the general 1 furnished boats to land forty 
of the troops on the Groton side. Captains Gardener and 
Thomas would have gladly gone up to the town, but were 
not permitted. 




SIR HENRY CLINTON'S 



GENERAL ORDERS. 



BRIGADIER-GENERAL ARNOLD having reported 
to the commander-in-chief the success of the expedi- 
tion, under his direction, against New London on the 6th 
inst'., His Excellency has the pleasure of signifying to the 
army the high sense he entertains of the very distinguished 
merit of the corps employed upon that service. 

But whilst he draws the greatest satisfaction from the ar- 
dor of the troops which enabled them to carry by assault 
a work of such great strength as Fort Griswold is repre- 
sented to be, he can not but lament with the deepest con- 
cern the heavy loss in officers and men sustained by the 
40th and 54th regiments, who had the honor of the attack; 
and as no words can do justice to the discipline and spirit 
which they shewed on that occasion. His Excellency can 
only request they will not fail to represent their conduct to 
their sovereign in the most honorable terms. The com- 
mander-in-chief begs leave to express his obligation to 
Brigadier-General Arnold for his very spirited conduct on 
the occasion; and he assures that general officer that he 
took every precaution in his power to prevent the destruc- 
tion of the town, which is a misfortune that gives him 
much concem. His Excellency also feels himself greatly 
indebted to all the officers of the Regular and Provincial 
Corps which accompanied him on that service, but more 
particularly to Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, Major Bromfield, 



Sir Henry Clinton s General Orders. 73 

and Captain Millet, who commanded the attack, and Lord 
Dalrymple, Captains Beckwith and Stapleton, of whose 
very able assistance and distinguished gallantry the briga- 
dier makes the most honorable mention. 

The commander-in-chief has likewise the greatest plea- 
sure in taking this public occasion of signifying to the 
army how much they are indebted to the humanity and 
benevolence of Captain Beazley, of His Majesty's Ship 
Amphion, to whose very friendly and generous assistance 
many of the wounded officer and men are most probably 
indebted for their lives. 

FRED. MACKENZIE, D. A. General. 




11 



COURT-MARTIAL. 

AN extract from the proceedings of a general Court- 
Martial, beginning and held at New London and 
Groton, in the state of Connecticut, on the 20th day of 
August, Anno Domini 1782, by warrant and order of His 
Excellency the Captain-General of the said state, of which 
Brigadier-General Roger Newberry was President, 

In which the following crimes and charges were exhib- 
ited at said Court, and by them with the proofs assenting 
the same were duly heard and considered, after which the 
sentences of said Court-martial were as follows: 

Jonathan Latimer, Colonel of the 3d regiment, for breach 
of military law in not leading his regiment forward, and 
preventing the enemy from sacking and buming the town 
of New London, on the 6th day of September, A. D. 1781. 
From this charge he was acquitted with honor. 

Nathan Gallup, Esq., Lieutenant-Colonel of the 8th regi- 
ment, came prisoner before the court, when the following 
charge was exhibited against him, viz: That whereas," on 
the 6th day of September, A. D. 1781, (the day on which 
the garrison and fortress standing in said Groton was at- 
tacked and stormed by a detatchment of the British army; 
the inhabitants of said Groton massacred; their houses 
bumt and their property plundered;) that he then holding 
and sustaining the aforesaid office and a commission thereto 
in said regiment, was shamefully negligent in his military 
duty, and guilty of acting a cowardly part when called to 
and in actual service. 



QourtrMartial. 75 

1st. In not supporting the garrison in said fort with suc- 
cour, which was in his power, and by him had been spe- 
cially engaged to the commandant for his encouragement 
in defending it, and in making no diversion upon the en- 
emy before the storm in favor of the garrison. 

2dly. In suffering the militia to remain strolling and 
unembodied upon the hills, in fair view of the enemy when 
they were marching up to attack the fort 

gdly. In not falling upon and attacking the enemy at 
the favorable moment of their re-embarkation, which move- 
ment of the enemy was said to be well known to him. 

4thly. In not attempting to prevent the burning of 
houses and other buildings of the inhabitants in Groton, 
done by scattering parties of the enemy. 

5thly. In not preventing the wanton plundering of 
property belonging to the inhabitants, done by the militia 
and others in the houses which escaped the conflagration, 
and elsewhere in said town after the storm of said garrison 
and the burning done by the enemy. 

And 6thly. In not preserving the public stores in the 
fort after the evacuation by the enemy, but suffering them 
to be embezzled and plundered; all contrary to the rules 
and regulations for preserving order and good government 
among the militia of said state, and unbecoming an officer. 

Sentence. — The court, upon due consideration of the 
whole matter before them, are unanimously of opinion that 
Lieutenant-Colonel Nathan Gallup is not guilty of neglect 
of duty or of cowardly behaviour, as charged against him. 
He, therefore, by the Court is acquitted with honor. 

Captain John Morgan, of the 3d regiment, was adjudged 
guilty of neglect of duty and unofficer like behaviour, and 
sentenced to be suspended during the present war with 
Great Britain. 



76 Battle of Groton Heights. 

Captain Ebenezer Witter, of the 8th regiment, was 
charged with being concerned in plundering public prop- 
erty at Fort Griswold. The court found him not guilty of 
plundering, but that he acted a very imprudent part in or- 
dering the gun carried to his house, and the court ordered 
him to return the said gun to the commanding officer at 
Fort Griswold. 

Captain Thomas Wheeler and Lieutenant John Wil- 
liams, of the 8th regiment, were charged with plundering 
in a wanton and shameful manner the goods of the inhab- 
itants of Groton on the day of the battle. 

The court found them guilty, and sentenced them to be 
cashiered, and be disabled in future from holding or sustain- 
ing any military commission in this state, and that they pay 
the expenses of their trial in equal parts. 

Daniel Latimer, Ensign of a company of militia in the 
3d regiment, was charged with being negligent of his duty 
in not seasonably forwarding intelligence to his colonel of 
the expected approach and attack of the enemy. He was 
found not guilty, and was therefore acquitted. 

Zabdiel Rogers, Esq., Colonel of the 2oth regiment, was 
called upon to answer to the charge of remaining inactive 
upon the 6th day of September. The sentence was not 
guilty, and acquitted with honor. 

Joseph Harris,' Jun., Esq., Lieutenant-Colonel of the 3d 

^ Lieutenant-Colonel Harris resided on the Town Hill road, nearly 
opposite Fort Nonsense. He is alluded to by John Hempstead and Jon- 
athan Brooks in their narratives in not very complinientary terms. He 
appears to have been the only regimental officer of the 3d who resided 
in the immediate vicinity of hostilities that day. In the Connecticut 
Gazette of May 2d, 1783, he replied to the finding of the Court, and 
excused himself from the charge, taking up each specification in its order. 



Court-Martial. 77 

regiment, came prisoner before the Court, when the follow- 
ing charges were exhibited against him: That on the day 
when the British bumed the town he was shamefully neg- 
ligent in his military duty, and guilty of acting a cowardly 
part. 

1st. In not notifying his chief colonel of the enemy's 
approach. 

2d. In not opposing their entrance into the town. 

3d. In not supporting a part of said regiment when in 
battle at the north part of the town, which he was requested 
to, but shamefully refused to do. 

4th. In allowing the militia to remain strolling and un- 
embodied upon the hill in sight of the enemy. And 

5thly. In not falling upon and attacking the enemy on 
their retreat. 

The court unanimously gave it as their opinion that 
Lieutenant-Colonel Harris has been and is a worthy mem- 
ber of society, and a good citizen in private life, hut not 
suitably qualified for military service; that he was not guilty 
of any neglect of duty on said 6th of September from 
enmity or disaffection to the independence of the American 
states; but the Court are unanimously of opinion that he 
was and is guilty of the matter charged against him in the 
four first articles of charge, and also are of opinion that he 
is guilty in the fifiii, and that the whole are proved and 
supported against him; therefore the Court gives sentence 
against the said Harris, that he be cashiered as being a per- 
son unsuitable to sustain the aforesaid office. 

Warham Williams was found guilty of taking and hold- 
ing three guns, and was remanded to the civil authority to 
be dealt with. 

and commenting at length upon it. Some of the arguments brought for- 
ward by him in support of his innocence are more ingenious than logical; 
and, as viewed at this late day, his conclusions are strained and far drawn. 



yS Battle of Groton Heights. 

Benajah Leffingwell, Major of the 2oth regiment, was 
charged with neglect of duty on the day of battle, from 
which charge he was acquitted. 

The findings of the Court are approved by the Captain- 
General, and by his command are made public. 

Signed, HEZEKIAH BISSEL, 

Judge Advocate of said Court-Martial. 




FROM THE 



CONNECTICUT ARCHIVES, 



Revolutionary War, Vol. xxii., Doc. 337. 



To Col. McClellen, Commandant at the Pofts of New 
London & Groton. 

We, Inhabitants of N. London, beg leave to represent 
our fears & apprehenfions for the fafety of faid Pofts 
through the infuing fummer; — from the defencelefs ftate of 
the Garrifons, &c., and from the growing object of this 
Town, by the indufterous inhabitants erecting a number of 
Houfes & Stores, in order to aid and affift y^ fpirited Gen- 
tlemen in the country, in fitting & equiping their Privateers, 
which are now numerous & formidable; Several Prizes are 
brought in, & great wealth may be foon expected, all which 
is as likely to provoke the narrow pitiful revenge of our 
daftardly enemies, to diftroy us this sumer, as laft. 

Every year fince the commincement of the war, this 
Town has been alarmed with envafions, the confequences 
has always been that great- numbers of melitia are called 
from their labours & fent in upon us, on fo fliort a notice 
y* it was impossible for them to be compleatly equiped; 
and have been detained here during a long fummer, greatly 
to their private lofs — the public, and the immediate ex- 
pence of the State, which has been much greater then if 
we had proper Garrisons & Matrofs Companys ftationed 
here, without anfwering any real means of defennce; and 
at the fame time the inhabitants of the Town are equally 



8o Battle of Groton Heights. 

fufFerers from undifciplined melitia. And from the late at- 
tack at this Place it was fo evident that the melitia were 
not, and could not be here in time to be of any fervice, 
that it needs no obfervation to the contrary. 

To remedy which & to fecure thefe Pofts we fubmit it 
to you as our opinion, that 

Fort Grifwold fliould be ganifoned with at leaft one hun- 
dred & fifty good men — ^that the Fort be provided with 
200 fmall arms & fufRcient number of cartriges & as many 
pikes for ufe of volunteers, who may be called in as they 
are many tranfient perfons & fuch y^ are unable to equip 
themfelves; and that on the firing of the alarm guns, or 
notice given, it ftiall be the immediate duty of the neigh- 
bouring militia to march into the defence of the s^ Fort on 
pain of nothing fliort of fuffering the penalty of the LaWj 
& that to be made corporeal, let the delinquent be officer 
or private ; and as foon as the alarm is over to be difmiffed. 

That their be a Matrofs Company raifed fufficient to 
man what Field Peices we have on N. L. fide & thofe at 
Norwich, & to be compleatly fumifhed with horfes, &c., 
and ftationed in the Fort on Town Hill; & be provided 
with fome fmall arms, as many volunteers will run to their 
affiftance in time of alarm. That the melitia in the neigh- 
bourhood be ordered in as on Groton fide. The Garrifon 
at Fort Trumbull may be fmall, & to quit it on the actual 
approach of the enemy & to retire to the defence of the 
field peices or Fort Grifwold. 

That no veflTells on the firing of the alarm guns, that are 
in the harbour be permitted to be removed, excepting fmall 
crafi:, but by order & direction of the Commandant. 

That afiier y^ alarm, or actual fervice is over their Ihall 
be an enquiry into the conduct of every officer & private 
& all others ordered on duty, & on failure of duty to be 
puniftied according to the nature of the offence, which pun- 



From the Connecticut Archives. 81 

ifiiment ought to be corporeal. For men will not regard 
fines when their property is at ftake. Common rank & file 
will delight in fuch a militia law. We obferve fiarther it 
is our opinion, if the late worthy Col. Ledyard (whom we 
fincerely lament) had only fifty good men in the Fort under 
his abfolute command, he with them might have empreff'd 
& compelled into its defence two or three hundred feamen 
& others, which had deferred from Privateers & fliipping in 
order to plunder. But inftead of this he was as a man 
without hands, and could get none into the fort only by 
perfuation. He gave out his pofitive orders for all feamen 
to repair over to the Fort. He fired upon the fliiping to 
ftop them from runing away. But he was neglected with 
impunity. He was difbbey'd becaufe the laws are not ad- 
equate for the punifliment of difobedience of orders. They 
ought to be exceedingly fevere when called out into action. 
And if men of Spirit who run to the defence of any poft 
in time of danger are to be unfupported & facrificed by 
their neighbours, (who are at liberty to take care of their 
effects, keep out of danger & not liable to corporeal pun- 
ifliment,) who will run the rifque in future. Wee make 
bold to fay, had fome Gentlemen neglected their dutj^ y^ 
6th Spr. laft they would have faved thoufands of their 
property. 

If a fmall cruifing boat could be alowed to the Garrifon, 
it might be an encouragement to inlifting their men & alfo 
obtaining intelligence the profits to be theirs. 

If all or any of the above facts & reprefentations fliould 
agree with your obfervation & opinion, we would requefl: 
you to lay the fame before His Excellency & Council — 
urging their immediate attention, as a great faving to the 
State & equal or better fecurity then the ufial mode. Who 
we make no doubt will do all in their power to fill up the 
Garrifon at Fort Grifwold & to forward the beft plan of de- 
12 



82 Battle of Groton Heights. 

fence, and to ufe all their influance in the next General 
Affembly to have fuch Military Laws paffed as will be 
neceffary in alarm & invafions. 

We are with efteem & refpect, 
Sir, 

Your moft Hum^ Serves, 
New London April 22^ 1782. 

G. Saltonftall, Thos. Shaw, 

Timo. Green, John Deflion, 

Marvin Wait, Amafa Larnard, 

Pember Calkings, Edward Hallam, 

Wint. Saltonftall, Michael Melally, 

David Mumford, Guy Richards, Jun', 

Simon Wolcott, 



Col. M^Cleilen, 

Prefent. 



James Angel, 



CONNECTICUT ARCHIVES, 

Revolutionary War, Vol. xxii.. Doc. 338. 
Report of Committee de Fort at New London, May 1 782. 

We Your Honours Com'" appointed to take into con- 
lideration the reprefentation made by a number of Gentle- 
men from Tsew London, refpecting the Defence of the 
Poft at N. London, &c., beg leave to report. 

That the Governuour and Council of Safety be and they 
are deiired, to raife a fufficient fum out of y^ proviiions on 



From the Connecticut Archives. 83 

hand (or loan as may be) to pay the 40J. bounty ordered 
to the foldiers that may engage in the forts at N. London 
& Groton provided by act of AfTembly in Jan'' laft (and 
that 48 matroffes be raifed in addition to the number al- 
ready ordered by act of Aflembly, and that the fame pay 
& bounty be given them as the other before provided for) 
& that in the mean time His Excellency order fuch num- 
bers of militia to man the Garrison untill a fuitable number 
may be enlifted, and that 200 Arms be provided & fent to 
the care of the commander at that Poll for the ufe of the 
fame. 

All which is fubmitted by your Hum^ Serv", 

Comfort. Sage, 
Edw"^ Ruffe], 
In the Lower Houfe. 

The foregoing Report of Committee is accepted and ap- 
proved, fo far as to include the word laft in the \i}^ line of 
the Report from the top, with addition (viz.,) '"provided 
faid Ibldiers do not live within fix miles from s'' Forts," next 
after the word laft aforefaid. And that a Bill, &c. 

Teft, Increafe Mofeley, Clerk, P. T. 

Concurr'd in the upper Houfe. 

Teft, George Wyllys, Secret. 




84 Battle of Groton Heights. 

CONNECTICUT ARCHIVES, 

Revolutionary War, Vol, xxii., Doc. 339. 

New London, 1'' June, 1782. 
Sir: 

Since writing the inclofed have feen Col° M^Clannan, 
he defires me to inform your Excellency that the Troops 
at this Poft under his command will now not make two 
Relieves, he is diftreff'd to fupply the Forts and Prifon 
Ship. 

I think it my duty to inform your Excellency that there 
is a large number of veffels here, & other intereft, befide 
the Alliance Frigate, & icarce any men to defend the Forts 
at Groton & this Town, your Excellency will pleafe excufe 
the freedom I take in giving fuch information as [it] re- 
fpects the publick — 

I am with fentiments of Rea[l] Efteem, 

Your Excellencys very obed' Serv\ 

Tho' Mumford. 
Superfcribed, 
Publick Service, 

His Excellency Governor Trumbull, 

Hartford. 
In dorfo. 

In the Lower Houfe, 

Col. Sage, Col. RulTell & Maj' Hilhoufe appointed to 
take into confideration this Letter & Addrelf of fundry 
Gentlemen of New London to Col. M'Clallen of the 22"^ 
April ult & laid before the Houfe, both reljpecting the De- 
fence of the Polls of N. London & Groton and what ought 
to be done to report by bill or otherwife. 

Teft Jedediah Strong, Clerk. 





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NAMES OF THE HEROES 



WHO FELL AT FORT GRISWOLD, 



SEPTEMBER 6TH, 1781. 



GROTON. 



Colonel William Ledyard, 
David Avery, Esq., 
Captain John Williams, 
Captain Simeon Allyn, 
Captain Samuel Allyn, 
Captain Elisha Avery, 
Captain Amos Stanton,' 
Captain Elijah Avery, 
Captain Hubbard Burrows, 
Captain Youngs Ledyard, 
Captain Nathan Moore,^ 
Lieutenant Joseph Lewis, 
Lieutenant Ebenezer Avery, 
Lieutenant Henry Williams. 
Lieutenant Patrick Ward, 
Ensign John Lester, 
Ensign Daniel Avery, 
Sergeant John Stedman,^ 
Sergeant Solomon Avery, 
Sergeant Jasper Avery, 
Sergeant Ezekiel Bailey,'^ 
Sergeant Rufus Hurlburt, 



Sergeant Christopher Avery, ^ 
Sergeant Eldridge Chester, 
Sergeant Nicholas Starr, 
Corporal Edward Mills,^ 
Corporal Luke Perkins, Jr.,^ 
Corporal Andrew Billings, 
Corporal Simeon Morgan, 
Corporal Nathan Sholes,^ 
Daniel Chester, 
Thomas Avery, 
David Palmer, 
Sylvester Walworth,^ 
Phihp Covel,'° 
Jedediah Chester," 
David Seabury,'^ 
Henry Woodbridge, 
Christopher Woodbridge, 
Elnathan Perkins, 
Luke Perkins, 
Elisha Perkins, 
John Brown,'^ 
John P. Babcock, 



86 



Battle of Groton Heights. 



Nathan Adams,''^ 
Wait Lester, 
Samuel Hill,'^ 
Joseph Moxley, 
Thomas Starr, Jr., 
Moses Jones, 
Belton Allyn, 
Benadam Allyn, 
Jonas Lester,'^ 
John Billings,'^ 
Thomas Minard, 



Andrew Baker, 
Joseph Wedger,'^ 
Samuel Billings,'^ 
Eliday Jones,^° 
Thomas Lamb,^' 
Frederick Chester/ 
Daniel Davis/' 
Daniel D. Lester^'*, 
Asa Perkins, 
Simeon Perkins, 
Solomon Tifi:/^ 



NEW LONDON. 

Captain Adam Shapley, John Clark, 

Captain Peter Richards, 

Lieut. Richard Chapman, 

Benoni Kenson,^^ 

James Comstock, 

John Holt, 



Jonathan Butler,'''' 
William Bolton,^' 
William Comstock,^^ 
Elias Coit,5° 
Barney Kinney.^' 



Captain Elias Henry Halsey, Long Island.'^ 

STONINGTON. 

Lieutenant P^noch Stanton, Thomas Williams. 
Sergeant Daniel Stanton, 

SAYBROOK. 

Daniel Williams, John Whittlesey," 

Stephen Whittlesey-'-^ 

Sambo Latham, colored.'' Jordan Freeman, colored.'^ 

Note. — The numerals annexed to a portion of the names in the above 
list refer to notes in the Appendix, in which is given all information 
gained by critical inquiry and research regarding those of the slain whose 
places of sepulture are uncertain, or undistinguished by inscribed monu- 
ments. 



Names of the Wounded. 87 

NAMES OF THE WOUNDED, 

PAROLED AND LEFT AT HOME BY CAPTAIN BROMFIELD. 

Captain William Latham, wounded in the thigh, Groton. 

Captain Solomon Perkins, in the face, Groton. 

Captain Edward Latham, in the body, Groton. 

Lieutenant P. Avery, lost an eye, Groton. 

Lieutenant Obadiah Perkins, in the breast, Groton. 

Lieutenant William Starr, in the breast, Groton. 

Ensign Charles Eldridge, in the knee, Groton. 

Ensign Joseph Woodmancy, lost an eye, Groton. 

Ensign Ebenezer Avery, in the head, Groton. 

John Morgan, shot through the knee, Groton. 

Sanford Williams, shot in the body, Groton. 

John Daboll, shot in the head, Groton. 

Samuel Edgecomb, Jr., in the hand, Groton. 

Jabish Pendleton, in the hand, Groton. 

Asahel Woodworth, in the neck, Groton. 

Thomas Woodworth, in the leg, Groton. 

Ebenezer Perkins, in the face, Groton. 

Daniel Eldridge, in the neck and face, Groton. 

Christopher Latham, in the body, Groton. 

Christopher Eldridge, in the face, Groton. 

Amos Avery, in the hand, Groton. 

T. Woodworth, in the knee, Groton. 

Frederick Wave, in the body, Groton. 

Elisha Prior, in the arm, Groton. 

Sergeant Daniel Stanton, in the body, Stonington. 

Corporal Judd, shot in the knee, Hebron. 

William Seymour, lost his leg, Hartford. 

Samuel Stillman, arm and thigh, Saybrook. 

Stephen Hempstead, arm and body. New London. 

Tom Wansuc, (Pequot Indian,) bayonet stab in neck. 



FORT GRISWOLD 



PROBABLY no feature in the theatre of the battle has 
changed so httle as the old fort. It is substantially the 
same in size and outline as then. The barracks, magazine 
and platform of that day have decayed and fallen, but their 
sites are still plainly recognizable by the ruins. Along the 
east side of the parade three soil-covered mounds mark the 
location of the old barrack chimneys. In the south-west 
bastion is the ruined masonry of the magazine, near which 
stood the flag-staff. Along the west side are still seen the 
stone foundations upon which rested the wood platform, 
and the well near the gate is the same to which, on that 
bloody day, the dying soldier in his fevered anguish wist- 
fully turned, and vainly craved of the implacable Briton 
its cooling draught. 

Near the centre of the parade are the ruins of a maga- 
zine constructed in 1 798, when a war with France was con- 
sidered imminent; and the coast fortifications, which had 
received but little attention since the peace of 1783, were 
put in a state of defense. In 1812-14 the old barracks 
were repaired, the ditch somewhat deepened, the parapets 
strengthened with fresh earth, and heavier ordnance mount- 
ed; but these guns and their carriages were a short time 
afterwards removed. In 1842 or '43 a commission from 
the War Department reported in favor of making this fort 
a permanent work; but the Mexican question, which was 



Battle Monument. 89 

then looming into view in the south-western horizon, caused 
the abandonment of the project at that time, and it has 
never since been revived. Aside from its commanding po- 
sition this old fort would present to the military eye of fifty 
years ago but small claims for offensive powers; but the 
lessons of modern war have taught the engineer of to-day 
that, mounted with improved artillery, the old sodded ruin 
would be more capable of injury to an enemy, and far more 
susceptible of defense, than the elaborate granite fortress 
opposite. But, however strong and defiant it might be 
made, let us hope the occasion for its proof will never 
arise; that its grass-covered ramparts, once sanctified by 
the blood of patriots, may never be torn by hostile shot — ■ 
never again be the scene of human conflict. 



THE BATTLE MONUMENT. 

In the year 1826 a number of gentlemen in Groton, feel- 
ing that the tragic events occurring in the neighborhood in 
1781 should be more properly commemorated, organized 
as an association for the purpose of erecting a monument. 
An application to the legislature for a charter was granted, 
and a lottery in aid of the work was legalized by special 
act. The corner-stone was laid September 6th of that 
year, and on the 6th of September, 1830, it was dedicated 
with imposing ceremonies. 

In form it is an obelisk twenty-two feet square at the 
base, and eleven feet at the top, resting on a die twenty- 
four feet square, which in turn rests upon a base twenty- 
six feet square. Its material is granite, quarried in the 
neighborhood. 

Its whole height is one hundred and twenty-seven feet, 
and its summit, which is reached by a spiral stair-way of 
one hundred and sixty stone steps, is two hundred and fifty- 
13 



go Battle of Groton Heights. 

seven feet above the waters of the bay. From this point 
a picture of sea and land of almost unrivaled beauty is 
presented, well repaying the visitor for the toil of ascent. 

Upon a marble slab, on the west face over the entrance, 
is the following inscription: 



This Monument 

was erected under the patronage of the State of Connecticut, A. D. 1830, 

and in the 55th year of the Independence of the U. S. A. 

In Memory of the Brave Patriots 

who fell in the massacre at Fort Griswold near this spot 

on the 6th of September, A. D. 1781, 

when the British under the command of 

the traitor Benedict Arnold^ 

burnt the towns of New London & Groton, and spread 

desolation and woe throughout this region. 



Within the monument, upon the right of the entrance, 
is a marble tablet bearing the names of the heroes who fell 
on that bloody clay. This was formerly on the south side 
of the monument, facing the fort; some years since, repairs 
becoming necessary, it was removed to the present location, 
and its place supplied with solid masonry. There was also 
above and connected with it, a slab bearing the following 
inscription, which was also removed at that time and never 
replaced: 

*' Zebulon and Naphtali were a people that jeoparded their lives unto 
the death in the high places of the field." 

Judges, 5 Chap> 18 verse. 



Colonel Ledyard's Autograph. 



91 



The facsimile of Colonel Ledyard's autograph, given be- 
low, was engraved from a letter addressed by him to the 
selectmen of Lebanon, directing them to send to Norwich 
Landing the stores they had collected for public service. 
The letter is dated at New London, April 4th, 1781. 





MONUMENTAL RECORDS. 



THIS chapter was not comprehended in the plan of 
this Httle work as originally contemplated, but is rather 
an outgrowth from the interest excited in this direction by 
the compilation of the narratives, and has been adopted 
since that portion has been in press. The subject naturally 
follows, and will, it is thought, give additional interest if 
not value to the preceding narratives and reports, in which 
we see, amid the smoke of battle and in the frenzy of 
the death-struggle, the heroes whom we here follow to their 
quiet resting-places, and reading their homely epitaphs, 
seem in a measure to become personally acquainted with 
them, 

A visit to the graves, near the scene of the battle, led to 
wider explorations in the many public and private cemeter- 
ies of Groton and adjacent townships. Nearly one hundred 
were visited, and the result, considering the general igno- 
rance, and, it may also regretfully be said, the indifference 
of even their descendants regarding the sepulture of these 
brave men, was much more successful than was or could 
have been anticipated. Quite a large number of graves 
are known to have ever remained unprovided with en- 
graved tablets, and of those which were properly so marked, 
many of the stones have fallen, and are now concealed by 
the heavy vegetable accumulations of years. Hence many^ 
doubtless, were passed over undiscovered, even after ex- 
tended inquiry and careful research. These neglected and 
forgotten memorials of the fathers' devotion to the cause 



Monumental Records. 93 

of country and liberty are widely scattered through Groton 
and the neighboring towns, most frequently in obscure and 
lonely localities, sometimes hidden in the shade of heavy 
forest trees, and covered by dense undergrowth of noxious 
weeds and shrubs — the undisturbed home of the burrowing 
wild animal and noisome reptile. 

On visiting these solitary places of interment, and read- 
ing from the monuments the rudely cut epitaphs which 
sometimes breathe a spirit of resignation and Christian 
hope, but far oftener that of defiant and fiery indignation, 
the visitor realizes more than ever before the extent of the 
desolation and woe spread throughout this region by the 
invasion of the traitor. 

The lamented Frances Manwaring Caulkins, in addition 
to her many other historical and antiquarian labors, made 
quite extensive researches in this direction, the results of 
which she designed publishing at a future day, under the 
title of "The Stone Records of Groton." 

On learning that the present work was in preparation, 
her brother, the Hon. Henry P. Haven, very generously 
proffered the editor the privilege of consulting her manu- 
scripts, which have been of much assistance in preparing 
this difficult subject. 

About four hundred and fifty yards south-east from the 
fort is the grave of Colonel Ledyard, whose name has been 
given to the cemetery, which was formerly known as that 
of Packer's Rock, from the high ledge upon its eastem 
border. In 1854 the state appropriated fifteen hundred 
dollars for the erection of a suitable memorial to the mar- 
tyr. His remains, with those of his wife and children, 
were removed a few yards to the west near the centre of 
the ground, and a beautiful monument, cut from native 
granite, erected over his grave. 

It is inclosed by an iron railing supported by posts ap- 



94 Battle of Groton Heights. 

propriately cast in the form of cannon. Within the inclos- 
ure are the remains of the slab of blue slate which origin- 
ally marked the grave; it is now nearly destroyed, and the 
inscription rendered illegible by the vandalism of the relic 
hunter. On the west face of the monument, upon the 
shaft, an unsheathed sabre is carved in relief; below, upon 
the sub-base, in raised letters, is the name LED YARD, 
and on the die is the following inscription: 



Sons of Connecticut 

Behold this Monument and learn to emulate 

the virtue valor and Patriotism of your ancestors. 

The south face bears the following: 
ERECTED IN 1854 



By the State of Connecticut in remembrance of the 

painful events that took place in this neighborhood 

during the war of the Revolution; 

It commemorates the Burning of New London, 

the Storming of Groton Fort the Massacre of 

the Garrison and the slaugh!"er of Ledyard the 

brave Commander of these posts who was slain 

by the Conquerors with his own Sword. 



He fell in the service of his country 
Fearless of death and prepared to die. 



Monumental Records. 95 

On the north: 
Copy of the Inscription on the Head-Stone originally erected 
over the Grave of Colonel Ledyard. 
Sacred to the Memory of William Ledyard Efq' 
Co] 'Commandant of the Garrifoned polls of New London 
& Groton; Who after a gallant defence, was with a part of 
the brave Garrifon, inhumanly MafTacred; by britifli troops 

in Fort Grifwold, Sep 6 1781 iEtatis suae 43 

By a judicious & Faithful difcharge of the various duties 

of his Station, He rendered moft efential Service to his 

Country; and flood confeffed, the unlliaken Patriot; 

and intrepid Hero. He lived, the Pattern of Magna 

nimity; Courtefy, and Humanity. He fell the Victim 

of ungenerous Rage and Cruelty. 

A few yards east of the monument of Colonel Ledyard 
are the following inscriptions: 

Here Lies y^ Body of 

M"" Daniel Chefter fon 

of M^ Thomas Chefter 

who was Killed in fort 

Grifwold after he Surrendered 

fep*^ &^^ 1781 in y^ 27 year of 

his Age 

My blood was Spilt upon y'' 
earth, By Relentless In- 
human foes I fall a Sa- 
crifice to Death, 



^6 Battle of Groton Heights. 



Here Lies y^ Body of 
M' Eldredge Chefter fon of M^ Thomas 
Chefter who was wound- 
ed in fort Griswold fep* 
6"" 1781 and died of his wounds dec 31'' in 
ye 2^th yg^j. q£ ]^;^g Age. 

Relentleis was my foe. Deaths weapons through 
me went, Fell by y' Fatal blow. Lingered 
till life was Spent. 



In Memory of 

M' Andrew Billings 

Son of Cap^ Stephen 

& M'' Bridget Billings 

Who was Inhumanly 

Maffacred by Britifh troops 

in Fort Grifwold 

Sep^ 6^'^ A(D 1781 

In the 22*^ year 

of his age. 



Monumental. Records. .97 



In Memory of Lieu^ 

Ebenezer Avery who 

fell Glorioufly in Defence 

of fort Grifwould and 

American Freedom 

fep* 6"^ 1781 in y^ 49^^^ 

year of his Age 

Exhibiting a noble Specimen 

of Military Valour 

and Patriotic Virtue. 



Sacred 

to the memory of 

Cap' John Williams 

who fell glorioufly 

fighting for the 

liberty of his country 

in Fort Grifwold 

Sep 6 1781 in the 

43"^ year of his age. 

■K- % -X- 

Te patriot friends that weep my fate 

As if untimely flain. 

Faith hinds my foul to Jefuf's hreaft 

And turns my lofs to gain, 
14 



98 Battle of Groton Heights. 



In Memory of 

Cap' Youngs Ledyard 

who was mortally wounded 

making heroic exertions 

for the defence of 

Fort Grifwold Sep^ 6"^ 

of which he died 

Xhtf^'J-fD: 1781 

in the 31'' year of his Age. 



In the Starr Burial-ground, on the North Road, in Groton; 

'In Memory of 

M' Elnathan Perkins 

who was flain at Fort 

Grifwould Sep G'*" 1781 

in the 64 year 

of his Age 

Ye Briti/h Power that boafts aloud 

of your Great Lenity 
Behold my fate when at your feet 

I and three Sons mufi Die. 



Monumental Records. 99 

In Memory of M' 

Afia Perkins who 

was llain in fort Grifwould 

Sepf G'"^ 1781 in y" 33'"^ 

year of his Age 

Ye Britifli tyrants 
that have Power " 
And butchers wet 
With Human Gore 
Judgement muft come 
And you will be 
Rewarded for your 
Cruelty. 

In Memory of M' 

Luke Perkins who 

was llain at fort 

Grifwould fep' 6"" 

1781 in y*" 29"' year 

of his Age 

Ye fons of Liberty 
be not Difmay"^ 
That I have fell 
a Sacrifice to Death 
But oh to think how 
will their debt be paid 
Who murther'' me 
when they are calP 
from Earth. 



lOO Battle of Groton Heights. 

In Memory of M' 

Thomas Minard he 

fell a victom [to] Death 

the 6'*^ of fept 1781 

in y^ 30 year of 

his Age. 

My blood was fpilt upon 
the Earth, refigned my 
breath, By relentlefs 
inhuman foes I fell, 
a Sacrifice to Death. 



In Memory of M' Chriftopher Wood- 
bridge he was 
Kil'i in fort Grifwould fep' 6 
1781 in y^ 2f^ 
year of his Age. 



In Memory of M' 

Wait Lefter fon of 

M' Thomas Lefter 

& Mary his wife 

he fell in the 

Battle at Fort 

Grifwould fep' 

6'*^ 1781 in y" 

22^ year of his Age. 



Monumental Records, loi 



In Memory of 

M*^ Henery Woodbridge 

who was flain in Fort 

Grifwould Sep' 6'^ 1781 

in the 33^^ year 

of his Age. 

Will not a day of reckoning come 
does not my blood for vengeance cry 
how will thofe wretches hear their doo'' 
who haft me flain moft Murderoujly. 



In Memory of M' 

Simeon Perkins 

who was Slain in 

fort Grifwould 

fep b"" 1781 in 

y^ 22*^ year 

of his Age. 



102 Battle of Groton Heights. 

In Memory of M' 

Eliftia Perkins who 

fell a Sacrifice for his 

Countrys Caufe in that 

horrible maffacre at fort 

Grifwould fep^ 6^*^ 

1781 in y' 38 year 

of his Age. 

Kingdoms and States 
Degenerates 

Keep grace forever nigh 

My Blood hath ftained the 
britifli fame 

for their humanity. 



In Memory of 

M"^ Nicholas Starr 

who was flain in Fort 

Grifwould Sep^^ 6 1781 

in his 40"" year 

O thou Inveterate Foe 
what is it thou haft done 
thou ftruck the fatal Mow 
no mercy could he ftiown 



Monumental Records. I03 

In Memory of 

Thomas Starr Ju^ 

who was Jlain in 

Fort Grifwold Sep 6^^ 1781 

in the Y^f" year 

of his age. 



About one mile north of the Starr Cemetery, on the same 
road, in a small inclosure, known as the Wood Burial- 
Ground, is a stone bearing the following inscription: 

In Memory of Cap^ Samuel Allyn 

he Departed this Life fep^ 6 1781 

in fort Grifwould by traitor Ar 

nolds murdering corps in the 

47 year of his Age. 

By Gods decree my bounds 
Ware fixt, the time y place, 
tho much confuf ''; 
The Caufe was Good; y'' 
Means ware vile, 
Snatche'' me from Charms 
of Golden Life. 



104 Battle of Groton Heights. 

The following is in the "Old Cemetery" near Gale's 
Ferry: 

In Memory of 

M"^ RUFUS HURLBUT 

Who fell in the bloody 

Committed by Benedict Arnolds troops 
MassacrcAat Fort Grifwould 

Sept^" the 6'^ 1781 in the 40'"^ 

year of his Age. 

Reader confider how I fell 
For Liberty I blead 
Oh then repent ye Sons of hell 
For the innocent blood you Ihead 



In the old Ground at Allyn's Point in Ledyard: 

In Memory of Belton 

Allyn' fon to Dea" Jofeph 

AUyn who fell in fort 

Grifwould by traitor Ar 

nolds corps fep' 6 1781 

in y^ 17^'' year of his Age. 

By Cruel rage of Britilh 
man this body" brought 
to duft again But we 
through faith do hope 
this duft will rife 
in triumph with y^ Juft. 

^ On the morning of the battle this young man, in company with his 
Cousin Benadam, started for the fort in answer to the signal guns, as he 
had often before done. On their way they called upon a sister of Ben- 
adam, who was teaching school near Gale's Ferry. To her anxious in- 
quiry of where they were going so early with their guns, Benadam 



Monumental Records. 10_J 

In Memory of M' 

Benadam AUyn who died 

fep' 6"" 1781 In fort grifwould 

by traitor amalds murdering 

Corps in y^ 20^"" year of his Age. 

To future ages this fhall 
Tell This brave youth 
in fort grifwould fell 
For amaricas Liberty 
He fought & Blead 
Alas he die'' 

In Memory of Cap^ Si 
meon AUyn who Died 

fep' 6 1781 in fort 
Griiwould with his Lieu' 
Enf" & 13 foldiers by trai 
tor arnolds murdering Corps 
in y^ 37^*' year of his Age. 
By Gods decree my bounds 
ware lixt the time y^ 
place though much Confuf "^ 
the Caufe was good y^ 
means was vile. Snatch'' 
me from Charms of 
Golden Life. 

replied, "Down to the training to see the fun." "You will never come 
back alive," said she, and burst into tears. 

Belton was killed on the ramparts soon after entering the works, and 
before the storm. On learning of his departure, his father armed him- 
self, and mounting his horse, followed as rapidly as possible, to share his 
danger ; but on his arrival found the fort invested, and he was compelled, 
through the long hours of dreadful suspense, to await within hearing, the 
result of the conflict, to find at last his only son a corpse. 

15 



io6 Battle of Groton Heights. 

In the Turner Ground in Ledyard: 

In Memory of M' 

Mofes Jones who was 

flain in fo^t Grifwould 

fep' 6^*^ 1781 in y-^ 2f 

year of his Age 

Will not a day of Rec 
oning come, Does not 
my blood for vengeance 
Cry? How will thofe 
Wretches hear their 
Doom who hath me 
Slain Moft Murderoufly 



In Memory of M' Jofeph 

Moxley who Died fep" 

6^*" 1781, in fort Griswould 

by traitor arnolds 

murdering Corps in y^ 

/^(f" year of his Age. 

By Gods decree my 
bounds ware fixt, the 
time the place, the means 
though vile, & whilft I blead, 
the views of blifs, Faith 
triumphed over Monller Death. 



Monumental Records. 107 

Near Morgan's Pond, [or Sandy Hollow,] Ledyard: 

In Memory of M' Simeon 

Morgan who died fep' 6"" 

1781 in fort Grifwould by trai 

tor amolds murdering Corps 

in y^ Tf year of his Age. 

This Blooming youth in 
{weets of life, his God 
doth Call while Cannon 
roar, a winged dart 
doth feafe his breath, 
& takes him from 
this Golden (hore. 



In Memory of Enf " 

John Lefter who died 

fep"^ 6"^ 1781 in fort 

Grifwould by traitor 

Amolds murdering Corps 

in y^ 42** year of his Age. 

By Gods decree my bounds 
ware fixt, the time y^ 
place though much Confuf "*. 
the Caufe was good y^ 
means was vile, Snatch"* 
me from Charms of 
Golden Life 



io8 Battle of Grot on Heights. 

In Memory of M' 

Andrew Baker who Died 

fep' 6"* 1781 in fourt Grif 

would by Traitor Arnolds 

Murdering Corps in the 

iG^*" year of his Age. 

This gallant youth while 
Cannons roar, Decree*^ by 
God to live no more 
a fudden dart by mur 
dering hands, Death Ceafed 
his life at Gods Command. 



In Memory of 

Lieut Jofeph Lewis who 

died fepf &^ 1781 In fourt 

Grifwould by traitor Arnolds 

murdering Corps in y^ 41'^ 

year of his Age. 

This gallant man when God 
Doth call doth give his life 
in freedoms caufe; a fudden 
dart doth wing away that 
precious life that dwells 
in Clay. 



Monumental Records. 109 

In the "Old Palmer Ground," near the head of Palmer's 
Cove, at Noank, is the following: 



In Memory of M' 

David Palmer who 

was flain in Fort 

Grifwould fep 6*'* 

1781 in y^ 38 
year of his Age. 



In the "Old Ground" at Pequonoc: 

Sacred to the 

Memory of M' 

Thomas Avery 

fon to Park Avery 

Jn' who made 

his exit in fort 

Grifwould fep' 

t'^ 1781 Aged 

17 years. 

Life how ftiort Etemity 
how long. 



no Battle of Groton Heights. 

In Memory of Eniign 

Daniel Avery who 

nobly nobly Sa 

crificed his Life 

in Defence of fort 

Grifwoiild & the 

Liberties of America 

fep' 6 1781 in y^ 
41'' year of his Age. 



In Memory of M' 

Solomon Avery 

who was flain in 

fort Grifwould by 

the britifti troops 

fep' 6"" 1 781 in 

y^ 33"^ year of 

his Age. 



In Memory of M' 

Patric Ward who 

fell a victim to 

Britilli cruelty in fort 

Grifwould fep' 6'' 

1781 in y= 25^*^ 

year of his Age 



Monumental Records. ill 

In Memory of 

M[ Elifha Avery 

who was flain in fort Grifwould 

fep' 6 1781 in 

his Age. 

It is appointed 

for man once 

to die. 



In Memory of 

M' Jafper Avery 

who was flain in fort 

Grifwould in defence 

of his Countrys 

freedom fep* 6''' 

1781 in y^ 38''' year 

of his Age. 

This hfe uncer 

tain but Death 

comes to all 



112 Battle of Groton Heights. 

In Memory of 

Cap^ Elijah Avery 

who having filled up 

Private and facial life with endearing ExpreJJions 

of Tendernefs ^ affection 

Dif played a moft brave ^ heroic fpir it 

In defence of Fort Grifwold 

and American Liberty 

i^ fell afacrifice to britijh Barbarity 

Sep" ^"^ 1781 in the 48^" 

year of his Age 



In Memory of 

David Avery Es^"^ 

who having performed the endearing 

Office of Friend/hip and Religion 

in Social Connections ; 

and ufefully and honorably 

ferved the Public in various Characters ; 

Nobly rifk'd his Yiit in defence of 

Fort Grifwold & American Freedom; 

and fell a victim to britijh Inhumanity 

Sepf 6'\ 1781, in the 54"^ 

Tear of his age. 



Monumental Records. 113 

In the Old Ground at Burnett's Corners, in Groton: 



In 

Memory of 

John P Babcock 

who together with a small 

party of Americans in 

Fort Griswold withstood 

an Assault made hy a 

Detachment of 

British Troops 

until heing overcome 

hy superior numbers 

he was Massacred 

Sep* 6*^ 1781 

^30 years. 



In memory of Cap* 

Hubbard Burrows 

who was killed 

in Fort Grifwold 

Sept 6*^ 1781 

in the 42"^ year 

of his age. 



16 



11^ Battle of Groton Heights. 

In the White Hall Ground on Mystic River, in the 
town of Stonington: 



In Memory of M' 

Thomas Williams 

who was kilP in 

fourt Grifwould 

fep^a**^ 

A(h 1781 

in y^ 60^"" year 
of his age. 



The following inscription is in the private ground of 
Seth Williams, Esq., on the "Norwich and Mystic road," in 
the town of Ledyard: 

In Memory of 

Lieut Henry Williams 

fon of Cap' Henry Williams 

& Mary his Wife 

who fell at Fort 

Grifwold Sep e^"^ 1781 

in the 32'' year of 

his age. 



Monumental Records. iij* 

In the first Ground in New London are those given 
below. 



In Memory of 

M' John Holt Jun' 

who was flain in Fort 

Grifwold fep 6^^^ 1781 

in the 35 year of his age. 



In Memory of Cap' 

Adam Shapley of Fort 

Trumbull who brauely 

gave his Life for his 

Country. A fatal Wound 

at Fort Grifwold Sep 6^'^ 

1781 caufed his Death 

Feb'' 14 1782 Aged 

45 years 

Shapley thy deed reverse 
the Common doom 
and makes thy name 
immortal in a tomb 



In Memory 

of M' John Clark who departed 

this life Sept 6'" 1781 

aged 34. 



ll6 Battle of Groton Heights. 



In Memory of 
Lieut Richard Chapman 

who was Killed at 

Fort Grifwold Sep^^ 6^*^ 

1781 in the 45 year 

of his age 

How Juddenly deaths arrows fly 
They ftrike us ^ they pafs not by 
But hurl us to the grave. 



In Memory of 

Jonathan Fox' who 

loft his Life in de 

fence of his Country 

fep' 6'*^ 1781 by 

a Wound received 

in his breaft when 

Courageoufly faceing 

his Unnatural 

Enemies & in y^ 

30''' year of his Age. 



■■ He was doubtless killed on the west side of the river, as his name 
does not appear among those of the killed in Fort Griswold. 



Monumental Kecords. 117 

In Cedar Grove Cemetery, New London. This stone 
was removed from the Old Ground a few years since: 

In Memory of 

Cap* Peter Richards 

who was wiUing to Hazzard 

every danger in defence 

of American Independence 

was a Volunteer in 

Fort Grifwold at Groton 

the 6'^ of fept 1781 

and there Slain in the 

28 year of his Age. 



In the Old Stanton Burial-Ground, in Stonington, are 
buried in one grave, two brothers; their monument bears 
the following inscription: 



Lieut Enoch Stanton died 

in y^ 36"" year of 

his Age. 



Serg' Daniel Stanton died 

in y' 26"" year of 

his Age. 



Here intered are the bodies of two brothers 

Sons of Cap' Phineas Stanton and 

Elizabeth his wife, who fell with many 

of their friends Sep' 6"" 1781, while man 

fully fighting for the liberty of their country 

and in defence of Fort Grifwould. 

The afTailants were troops commanded 

by that moft defpicable parricide, 

Benedict Amold. 



Ii8 Battle of Grot on Heights. 

In the Burial-Ground near Comstock's Wharf, in the 
town of Montville, is a fine granite monument, bearing the 
following: 

Erected By 

Robert Comstock Esq 

to the Memory of 

his Grandfather 

James Comstock 

who bravely fell 

in Fort Griswold 

in the Service of his Country 

Sept 6 1783 [1] 

Aged 75. 

A signal example of valor 

Patriotism and heroic virtue. 



In the Old Ground on Saybrook Point: 

Danie? Son of 

Cap* Charles & 

M" Temparence 

Williams 

who fell in the Action 

in Fort Grifwould 

on Groton hill on the 

6''' of Sep" 1781 

in the 15"' year 

of his Age. 



Monumental Records. 119 

^ This boy was in Fort Griswold as a substitute for a man by the name 
of Kirtland, who had been drafted from the Saybrook Militia, but whose 
wife being sick he was excused, and Williams accepted in his stead. The 
price of substitution was a hogshead of cider, paid to his father by 
Kirtland. 

He arrived at the fort only the day preceding the battle, and was 
killed by a rifle-shot while passing powder from the magazine to the ar- 
tillerists before the assault. He was the youngest of the garrison of 
whom there remains a record. 

His name does not appear upon the memorial tablet in the monument; 
why is not understood. The only reason probable is, either his late ar- 
rival followed so soon by the battle, or being a substitute his true name 
was not enrolled. 




APPENDIX. 



SEE CORRESPONDING NUMBERS IN THE LIST OF KILLED, PAGES 



85, 86. 



1. Captain Amos Stanton. — Resided in the north parish 
of Groton, since town of Ledyard. He was an officer in the 
regular army, and at the time of his death at home on furlough. 

Extensive inquiry and research failed to discover the place of 
his burial, which is supposed, however, to have been in the old 
and now discontinued burial-ground on the hill-side, near the 
residence of Charles Stanton, Esq., in Ledyard. 

2. Captain Nathan Moore. — Lived on Groton Bank, 
near the ferry. There is little doubt but that his remains were 
interred in the Ledyard Cemetery. 

3. Sergeant John Stedman. — Nothing is known of him, 
save that he died in the fort. His friends suppose him to have 
been buried in the old ground east of and near Gale's Ferry. 

4. Sergeant Ezekiel Bailey. — Probably buried in the 
Starr Ground. 



5. Sergeant Christopher Avery. — His descendants sup- 
pose him to have been interred at Poquonoc with his family. 

6. Corporal Edward Mills. — In the old ground on 
"Whitman Meeting-House Hill." 

7. Corporal Luke Perkins, Jr., son of Elnathan Perkins, 
buried in the Starr Ground, and whose epitaph is given in this 
work. He was, without doubt, buried near his father, and his 
grave designated by a monument, but which has now disappeared. 



Afpendi%. 121 

8. Corporal Nathan Sholes. — Nothing definite can be 
learned of him. He is supposed, however, by old inhabitants, 
to have been buried in the "Sandy Hollovv^" Ground, in Led- 
yard, near which his family resided. 

9. Sylvester Walworth, buried in Ledyard Cemetery. 
His grave is known to have been left unprovided with memorial 
stones. 

10. II. Phillip Covil and Jedediah Chester. — Of these 
men nothing can be learned. 

12. David Seabury, a relative of Bishop Seabury. The 
family lived in Ledyard, near Poquetanock, where his unmarked 
grave is supposed to be. 

13. John Brown. — Nothing known. 

14. Nathan Adams. — Lived in the section of Groton 
known as *'Gungewamps," where, in a thickly wooded valley, is a 
rough, uncut slab of granite, upon which are rudely engraved 
the initials N. A. Tradition says this stone was prepared by 
Adams previous to his death, and after that event, in accordance 
with his desire, it was placed, by his friends, at his grave. 

15. Samuel Hill. — Nothing known of him; probably a 
transient inhabitant of Groton. 

16. Jonas Lester. — Probably buried near his cousin, Ensign 
John Lester, in the "Sandy Hollow" Ground. Nothing defi- 
nite known. 

17. John Billings. — Is thought to have belonged to North 
Stonington. Nothing can be ascertained regarding the place of 
his sepulture. 

18. 19, 20. Joseph Wedger, Samuel Billings, and Eli- 
day Jones, unknown. 

21. Thomas Lamb. — In the ancient ground on "Whitman 
Meeting-House Hill," Groton. 

17 



122 Battle of Groton Heights. 

22. Frederick Chester. — Not certainly known, but very 
probably was buried with his relatives in the Starr Ground. 

23, 24. Daniel Davis and Daniel B. Lester, unknown. 
So far as can be ascertained, Lester was not connected with 

the families to which John, Jonas, and Wait belonged. 

25. Solomon Tift. — His name does not appear upon the 
tablet in the monument, but is found in the list of killed pub- 
lished in the Connecticut Gazette of September 21st, 1781, 
which, so far as complete, is undoubtedly correct. There are 
those of the same name and probably of the same family now 
residing in Groton, but the place of his interment can not be 
ascertained. 

If to this name we add those of Jedediah [or Jeremiah in the 
Gazette] Chester and Daniel Williams, also not upon the tablet, 
we reconcile the apparent inconsistency between Arnold's official 
report, which gives the number found dead in the fort as eighty- 
five, and the monumental list of the same number, but which is 
known, however, to include the names of three who died sub- 
sequent to the enemy's departure, viz: Adam Shapley, Eldredge 
Chester, and Youngs Ledyard; thus making a total of eighty- 
eight slain, instead of eighty-five, as heretofore supposed. 

26. Benoni Kenson. — Credited to New London. No rep- 
resentative of the family has resided in the neighborhood for 
many years. He is said to have been a sailor attached to one of 
the privateer vessels lying in the harbor at the time, and volun- 
teered for the defense of the fort. If so, he was doubtless in- 
terred in the Old Ground at New London. 

27. 28. Jonathan Butler and William Bolton, known 
to have been buried in the last-named ground. 

29. William Comstock, a member of Captain Shapley's 
company, was probably buried in the Comstock Ground, in 
Montville. 

30, 31. Elias Coit and Barney Kinney, in the first 
ground at New London. 



Appendix. 123 

32. Captain Elias H. Halsey was captain of a privateer 
"brig lying in the harbor. He was probably from Bridgehampton, 
Long Island, where many of the name still reside. 

33, 34. John Whittlesey, (aged 23,) and his half brother, 
Stephen Whittlesey, (16,) although originally credited to 
New London, are known to have belonged to that part of Say- 
brook now constituting the town of Westbrook. They were 
drafted from the militia of that town for the defense of New 
London Harbor, and were members of Captain Shapley's com- 
pany of artillery, stationed in Fort Trumbull. Their burial- 
place is not definitely known, but it is highly probable that it is 
near that of an elder brother, (Joseph,) whose monument is 
found in the cemetery at Westbrook Village. 

35. Sambo Latham, unknown. 

36. Jordan Freeman. — He was the body servant of Colo- 
nel Ledyard, and buried in the Ledyard Cemetery. 



FINIS. 



